phil. language

August 6, 2008

National and official languages

Spanish was the original official language of the country for more than three centuries, and became the lingua franca of the Philippines in the 19th and early 20th centuries. In 1863 a Spanish decree introduced universal education, creating free public schooling in Spanish.[1] It was also the language of the Philippine Revolution, and the 1899 Malolos Constitution proclaimed it as the official language of the First Philippine Republic. National hero Jose Rizal wrote most of his works in Spanish, which was spoken by a total of 60% of the population in the early 1900s as a first, second or third language. Following the American occupation of the Philippines and the imposition of English, the use of Spanish declined gradually, especially after the 1940s.

Under the U.S. occupation and civil regime, English began to be taught in schools. By 1901, public education used English as the medium of instruction. Around 600 educators (called “Thomasites“) who arrived in that year aboard the USS Thomas replaced the soldiers who also functioned as teachers. The 1935 Constitution added English as an official language alongside Spanish. A provision in this constitution also called for Congress to “take steps toward the development and adoption of a common national language based on one of the existing native languages.” On November 12, 1937, the First National Assembly created the National Language Institute. President Manuel L. Quezon appointed native Waray-Waray speaker Jaime C. De Veyra to chair a committee of speakers of other regional languages. Their aim was to select a national language among the other regional languages. Ultimately, Tagalog was chosen as the base language December 31, 1937.[citation needed]

In 1939, President Manuel L. Quezon renamed the Tagalog language as Wikang Pambansa (“National language” in English translation).[2] The language was further renamed in 1959 as Pilipino by Secretary of Education Jose Romero. The 1973 constitution declared the Pilipino language to be co-official, along with English, and mandated the development of a National Language, to be known as Filipino spelt Philippino.

The present constitution, ratified in 1987, stated that Filipino and English are both the official languages of the country. Filipino also had the distinction of being a national language that was to be “developed and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages.” Although not explicitly stated in the constitution, Filipino is in practice almost completely composed of the Tagalog as spoken in the capital, Manila; however, organizations such as the University of the Philippines began publishing dictionaries such as the UP Diksyonaryong Filipino in which words from various Philippine languages were also included. The constitution also made mention of Spanish and Arabic, both of which are to be promoted on a voluntary and optional basis; in reality, virtually nothing is being done to this end. This is in contrast to Morocco, where Spanish is spoken in the northern part of that country and is becoming a popular language to learn, after French among the country’s northern inhabitants. In Francophone Africa, the use of French, despite being a native language of only a minority of people who live in that part of Africa, is actively promoted, even if (as in Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia) it is not an official one.

Filipino is an official language of education, but less important than English. It is the major language of the broadcast media and cinema, but less important than English as a language of publication (except in some domains, like comic books, which are meant to speak directly to the Filipino psyche) and less important for academic-scientific-technological discourse. English and Filipino compete in the domains of business and government.[dubious ] Filipino is used as a lingua franca in all regions of the Philippines as well as within overseas Filipino communities, and is the dominant language of the armed forces (except perhaps for the small part of the commissioned officer corps from wealthy or upper middle class families) and of a large part of the civil service, most of whom are non-Tagalogs.

Nobody questions that there is diglossia in the case of Filipino and the other regional languages. In this case, we can clearly label Filipino as the acrolect and the regional languages the basilect.

The Constitution of the Philippines provides for the use of the vernacular languages as auxiliary languages in provinces where Filipino is not the lingua franca. This is however not implemented as Filipinos at large would be polyglots. In the case where the vernacular language is a regional language, Filipinos would speak in Filipino when speaking in formal situations while the regional languages are spoken in non-formal settings. This is evident in major urban areas outside the National Capital Region like Laoag and Vigan in the Ilocano-speaking area, and Cebu and Davao in the Cebuano-speaking area. Although the case of Ilocano and Cebuano are becoming more of bilingualism than diglossia due to the publication of materials written in these languages.

The diglossia is more evident in the case of other languages such as Pangasinan, Kapampangan, Bikol, Waray, Hiligaynon, Sambal, and Maranao, where the written variant of the language is becoming less and less popular to give way to the use of Filipino. Although Philippine laws consider some of these languages as “major languages” there is little, if any, support coming from the government to preserve these languages. This may be bound to change, however, given current policy trends.[3] Although Philippine linguists would agree that there is still no danger of these languages becoming extinct in the near future, the lack of support from the government makes these languages prone to “bastardation”.

There still exists another type of diglossia, which is between the regional languages and the minority languages. Here, we label the regional languages as acrolects while the minority languages as the basilect. In this case, the minority language is spoken only in very intimate circles, like the family or the tribe one belongs to. Outside this circle, one would speak in the prevalent regional language, while maintaining an adequate command of Filipino for formal situations. Unlike the case of the regional languages these minority languages are always in danger of becoming extinct because of speakers favoring the more prevalent regional language. Moreover, most of the users of these languages are illiterate and as expected, there is a chance that these languages will no longer be revived due to lack of written records.

[edit] Indigenous languages

According to Ethnologue, a total of 171 native languages are spoken in the country. Except for English, Spanish, Hokkien (Lan-nang), Cantonese, Mandarin, and Chavacano, all of the languages belong to the Malayo-Polynesian branch of the Austronesian language family.

There are 13 native languages with at least one million native speakers: Tagalog, Cebuano, Ilokano, Hiligaynon, Waray-Waray, Kapampangan, Bikol, Albay Bikol [1], Pangasinan, Maranao, Maguindanao, Kinaray-a, and Tausug. One or more of these is spoken natively by more than 90% of the population.

[edit] Classification of Philippine languages

Philippine languages are traditionally divided into a handful of subgroups. The first three are closely related geographic groupings: That is, the languages they contain may be no more related to each other than they are to languages in other groups. The smaller, southern groups are more distinct.

Northern Philippine languages such as Ilokano, Kapampangan, Pangasinan, and Sambal languages which are concentrated in northern and central Luzon. Some languages in Mindoro such as Iraya and Tadyawan are included in this group. The Yami language (also known as Tao of Orchid Island in Taiwan is also a member of this group.

Meso Philippine languages are perhaps the group with the most speakers and is the most geographically widespread, covering Central Luzon, the Visayas and many parts of Mindanao. Certain languages spoken in Palawan and Mindoro such as Tagbanwa, Palawano, and Hanunoo constitute their own respective subgroups. The largest subgroup are the Central Philippine languages which are composed of Tagalog; Bicol languages; 80% use Visayan languages such as Cebuano, Hiligaynon and Waray-Waray; and Mansakan languages.

Southern Philippine languages such as Maranao, Maguindanao, Manobo languages, and Subanun languages are concentrated in Mindanao but more than 80% use Visayan or cebuano language. Many Southern Philippine languages have been influenced by Malaysian, Indonesian, Sanskrit, and Arabic words.

The final three following groups are thought to be more distantly related to the previous three.

Southern Mindanao languages are languages such as Tboli and Blaan which are spoken in southern Mindanao.

Sama-Bajaw languages mainly centered in the Sulu Archipelago as well as parts of Borneo. One language, Abaknon, is spoken on Capul Island near Samar, which is far from other Sama languages. Other languages in this group are Yakan and Sama.

Sulawesi languages has only two representatives in the Philippines, the Sangil and the Sangir languages.

[edit] Mutual intelligibility

Despite not being mutually intelligible, Philippine languages tend to be referred to by Filipinos as dialects.

The vast differences between the languages can be seen in the following translations of the Philippine national proverb “He who does not look back at his past plight will not reach his future.”

  • Aklanon: Ro uwa’ gatan-aw sa anang ginhalinan hay indi makaabut sa anang ginapaeangpan.
  • Asi: Kag tawong waya giruromroma it ida ginghalinan, indi makaabot sa ida apagtuan.
  • Bangon: No fuktaw hadwa bumontag idwan dasog at bato lawan.
  • Bikol: An dai tataong magsalingoy sa saiyang ginikanan, dai makakaabot sa padudumanan.
  • Rinconada Bikol: A diri maglili sa pinaggalinan, diri makaaabot sa pigiyanan.
  • Cebuano: Kadtong dili molingi sa gigikanan, dili makaabot sa gipadulongan.
  • Ibanag: I tolay nga ari mallipay ta naggafuananna, ari makadde ta angayanna.
  • Itawis: Ya tolay nga mari mallipay tsa naggafuananna, mari makakandet tsa angayanna.
  • Ilokano: Ti haán a tumaliaw iti naggapuanna, saán a makadánon iti papanánna.
  • Hiligaynon: Kon sin-o ang indi makahibalo magbalikid sang iya ginta-uhan, indi makaabot sa iya padulungan.
  • Jama Mapun: Soysoy niya’ pandoy ngantele’ patulakan ne, niya’ ta’abut katakkahan ne.
  • Kapampangan: Ing e byasang malikid king kayang penibatan, e ya makaratang king kayang pupuntalan.
  • Kinaray-a: Ang indi kamaan magbalikid sa ana ginhalinan, indi makaabot sa ana paaragtunan.
  • Miraya (West), Albay Bikol: Kan na taw na idi tataw mag linguy sa sanyang inalian, idi man maka abot sa sanyang paidtunan.
  • Obo Manobo: Iddos minuvu no konnod kotuig nod loingoy to id pomonan din, konna mandad od poko-uma riyon tod undiyonnan din.
  • Pangasinan: Say toon ag unlingaw ëd nanlapuan to, ag makasabi ëd laën to.
  • Sambal (Botolan): Hay ahe nin nanlek ha pinag-ibatan, ay ahe makarateng ha lalakwen.
  • Sambal (Tina): Hay kay tanda mamanomtom ha pinangibatan, kay immabot sa kakaon.
  • Sangil: Tao mata taya mabiling su pubuakengnge taya dumanta su kadam tangi.
  • Sinama: Ya Aa ga-i tau pa beleng ni awwal na, ga-i du sab makasong ni maksud na.
  • Surigao-non: Yaon dili kahibayo molingi sa iya ing-gikanan, dili gajod makaabot iya pasingdan.
  • Sorsogoanon: An diri mag-imud sa pinaghalian diri makaabot sa kakadtuan.
  • Tagalog: Ang hindî marunong lumingón sa pinanggalingan ay hindî makararatíng sa paroroonan.
  • Filipino: Ang hindi marunong lumingon sa pinanggalingan, hindi makakarating sa pupuntuhan.
  • Tausug: In di’ maingat lumingi’ pa bakas liyabayan niya, di’ makasampay pa kadtuun niya.
  • Waray-Waray: An diri maaram lumingi ha tinikangan, diri maulpot ha kakadtoan.
  • Yakan: Gey tau mayam sibukutan, gey tau tekka kaditaran.

[edit] Dialectal variation

The amount of dialectal variation varies from language to language. Languages like Tagalog and Kapampangan are known to have very moderate dialectal variation.

In the languages of the Bicol Region, however, there is great dialectal variation. There are towns which have their own dialects. Below is the sentence “Were you there at the market for a long time?” translated into certain varieties of Bikol. The translation is followed by dialect and language, and town in Bicol where they are spoken. The final translations are in Tagalog and Ilonggo.

[edit] False friends among Philippine languages (excluding Filipino and Bikol languages)

One factor compounding the problem of mutual intelligibility among Philippine languages are those false friends, or false cognates, among the languages. There are many examples where a word in one language will have a greatly different meaning in another language.

Legend: Ilocano (ILO), Kapampangan (PMP), Tagalog (TGL), Cebuano (CEB), Ilonggo/Hiligaynon (HIL), Waray-Waray (WRY), Pangasinan (PANG), Surigao-non (SUR).

  • bukid: field (farm) (TGL), hill/mountain (CEB, WRY,SUR & HIL).
  • gamot: medicine (TGL), roots of plants (CEB , SUR & WRY).
  • habol: pursue (TGL), blanket (CEB , SUR & HIL), dulled (CEB & HIL).
  • hilo: become nauseous (TGL & HIL), poison or thread (CEB & HIL).
  • hipon: prawn/shrimp (TGL & HIL), shrimp paste (bagoong [CEB & TAG]).
  • ilog: river (TGL), grab against the will (CEB), copy/cheat/cheating (HIL).
  • irog: loved one (TGL), move over (CEB).
  • ibon: ‘ebun’-egg (Kp), bird (TGL).
  • hubad: translate (CEB), naked (TGL), unknot/untie (HIL).
  • kadyot: copulate (TGL), a moment (CEB).
  • karon: later (HIL), now (CEB).
  • katok: knock a door (TGL), silly/senseless (CEB & HIL).
  • kayat: want (ILO), copulate (CEB).
  • kumot: blanket (TGL), to crumple (CEB & WRY)
  • laban: against/opposed to (TGL), in support of (CEB), greater/more of (HIL)
  • lagay: put (TGL), male genitals (HIL , SUR & CEB), mud (WRY)
  • langgam: ant (TGL), bird (CEB).
  • libang: do leisurely things (TGL& WRY), defecate (CEB), to baby-sit or to entertain (HIL)
  • libog: lust (TGL), to be confused (CEB & HIL).
  • lingin: round (CEB), dizzy (HIL)
  • lipong: dizzy (CEB), fainted (HIL)
  • paa: foot (TGL), leg (CEB & HIL).
  • pagod: tired (TGL & HIL), burnt/scorched (CEB).
  • palit: change/exchange (TGL), buy (CEB).
  • pagong: turtle (TGL), frog (HIL).
  • pating: shark (TGL & CEB), dove (HIL)
  • sabot: pubic hair (HIL), to understand (CEB).
  • sili: chili (TGL & CEB), penis (WRY), eel (HIL).
  • tapak: to step on (TGL & HIL), to patch a hole (CEB).
  • tete: bridge (PMP), Mammary glands (TGL).
  • titi: penis (TGL), breasts (HIL, ILO & CEB)
  • tulo: drip (TGL & HIL), Syphilis (TGL & HIL), three (CEB & WRY).
  • usa: deer (TGL & HIL), one (CEB & WRY).
  • usap : to talk (TGL), to chew (CEB & HIL).
  • utong: nipple (TGL), to hold one’s breath (CEB), string beans (ILO)
  • wala : nothing (TGL, HIL, & CEB), there is (PANG), left side (HIL & CEB)
  • Lagi : always (TGL) AGREED (CEB)
  • upa  : rent (TGL) mating (CEB)
  • buhat: to lift (TGL) to make (CEB)
  • lipat: to transfer (TGL) mislook (CEB) forget (HIL)

[edit] Philippine Languages Comparison Chart

Below is a chart of Philippine languages. While there has been misunderstandings on which ones should be classified as language and which ones should be classified as dialect, this chart confirms that most have similarities but are not mutually comprehensible with each other. These languages are arranged according to the regions they are natively spoken (from north to south, then east to west).

one two three four person house dog coconut day new we (inc.) what
Ivatan asa dadowa tatdo apat tao vahay chito niyoy araw va-yo yaten ango
Ilokano maysa dua tallo uppat tao balay aso niog aldaw baro datayo ania
Pangasinan sakey duara talora apatira too abong aso niyog agew balo sikatayo anto
Ibanag tadday dua tallu appa’ tolay balay kitu inniuk aggaw bagu sittam anni
Gaddang tata addwa tallo appat tolay balay atu ayog aw bawu ikkanetem sanenay
Kapampangan metung adwa atlu apat tau bale asu ngungut aldo bayu ikatamu nanu
Tagalog isa dalawa tatlo apat tao bahay aso niyog araw bago tayo ano
Standard Bikol saro duwa tulo apat tawo harong ayam niyog aldaw ba-go kita ano
Iriga Bicolano usad darawa tulo upat tawo baloy ayam niyog aldow bago ngamin ono
Kinaray-a sara darwa tatlo apat taho balay ayam niyog adlaw bag-o kita, taten ano, iwan
Ilonggo isa duha tatlo apat tawo balay ido lubi adlaw bag-o kita ano
Cebuano usa duha tulo upat tawo balay iro lubi adlaw bag-o kita unsa
Surigao-non isa duha tuyo upat tao bayay idu Nijog adlaw bag-o kami unu
Waray-Waray usa duha tulo upat tawo balay ayam lubi adlaw bag-o kita ano
Tboli sotu lewu tlu fat tau gunu ohu lefo kdaw lomi tekuy tedu
Tausug hambuuk duwa tu upat tau bay iru’ niyug adlaw ba-gu kitaniyu unu

There is a language spoken by the Tao people (also known as Yami) of Orchid Island of Taiwan which is not included in the language of the Philippines. Their language, Tao (or Yami) is part of the Batanic languages which includes Ivatan, Babuyan, and Itbayat of the Batanes.

one two three four person house dog coconut day new we (inc.) what
Tao ása dóa (raroa) tílo (tatlo) ápat tao vahay araw vayo

[edit] List of Speakers per Language

Below are population estimates from the 2000 Philippine census by National Statistics Office of the Philippines on the number of Filipinos who speak the following 18 languages as a native language.

Number of native speakers[4]
Cebuano 22,000,000
Tagalog 20,000,000
Ilocano 7,700,000
Hiligaynon 7,000,000
Waray-Waray 3,100,000
“Northern Bikol”[5] 2,500,000
Kapampangan 2,400,000
Pangasinan language 1,540,000
“Southern Bikol”[6] 1,200,000
Maranao 1,150,000
Maguindanao 1,100,000
Kinaray-a 1,051,000
Tausug 1,022,000
Chavacano 607,000
Surigaonon 600,000
Masbatenyo 530,000
Aklanon 520,000
Ibanag 320,000

[edit] Major Foreign Languages

[edit] Spanish

Spanish began to be introduced in the archipelago from 1565, when the Spanish Conquistador Miguel López de Legazpi founded the first Spanish settlement on Cebu.

In 1593, the first printing press was founded. In the 17th century Spanish religious orders fonded the first universites in the Philippines, some of which are considered the oldest in Asia. During colonial rule, Spanish was the language of education, trade, politics and religion, and by the 19th century it became the country’s lingua franca. In 1863 a Spanish decree introduced a system of public education creating free public schooling in Spanish. In the 1890’s the Philippines had a prominent group of Spanish-speaking scholars called the Ilustrados such as Jose Rizal. Some of these scholars participated in the Philippine Revolution and later in the struggle against American occupation. In 1899 the short-lived First Philippine Republic established Spanish as the country’s official language, and the first Philippine Constitution and National Anthem were written in Spanish. By the early 20th century a majority of Filipinos spoke Spanish as a first, secod or third language, and a majority of business, public affairs, and journalism continued to use the Spanish language.

Today a great portion of the history of the Philippines is written in Spanish. Many land titles, contracts, newspapers and literature are still written in the Spanish language. There are thousands of Spanish loanwords in Tagalog, Cebuano, and other languages. Spanish numbers are usually used with dates, times, measurements, and other occasions.

The use of Spanish began to decline after Spain ceded the islands to the United States in 1898. Under U.S. rule, English began to be promoted instead of Spanish. After the country’s independence (in 1946) and during the Marcos administration, many of the old Spanish-speaking families in Philippines migrated to Spain and Latin America. There were six million Spanish speakers in the Philippines in 1940. The 1950 Census stated that hispanophone Filipinos made up 6% of the population. In 1990, the census reported that the number had dwindled to just 2,500.

Spanish ceased to be an official language in 1973 and a college requirement in 1987 during the Aquino administration. However, the language is still spoken today by Filipino-Spanish mestizos and Spanish families, who are mainly concentrated in Metro Manila, IloIlo and Cebu. It remains a required subject in many universities, such as the University of Santo Tomás of Manila and the University of San Carlos in Cebu.

There are also several Spanish creole languages in the Philippines, collectively called Chavacano.

They include:

[edit] English

Main article: Philippine English
Main article: Taglish
Main article: Englog

The first exposure to English occurred in 1762, when the British invaded Manila. However, use of English in that era was minimal and had no lasting influence. English is an official language the Philippines today.

Today, English is the dominant language in business, government, the legal system, medicine, the sciences and education. Filipinos tend to want their textbooks for subjects like calculus, physics, chemistry, biology, etc., written in English rather than Filipino. By way of contrast, the native languages are often heard in colloquial settings, and in the home, with family and friends, most people use their vernaculars. The use of English may be thought to carry an air of formality, given its use in school, government and various ceremonies. A large percentage of the media such as television, newspapers, and entertainment are also in English; the major television networks are shifting to Tagalog. English proficiency sustains a significant call center industry for American companies. It is also a valuable asset for overseas workers.

A large influx of English words has been assimilated into Tagalog and the other native languages called Taglish. There is a debate, however, on whether there is diglossia or bilingualism, or even semilingualism,[7][8] between Filipino and English. Filipinos would use Filipino both in formal and informal situations, while, save for a very few, English will only be used for formal gatherings such as education and governance. Though the masses would prefer to speak in Filipino, government officials tend to speak in English when they do their government duties. Until now, there is still resistance in the use of Filipino in courts and the drafting of national statutes.

On August 22, 2007, three Malolos City regional trial courts in Bulacan decided to use Filipino, instead of English, in order to promote the national language. Twelve stenographers from Branches 6, 80 and 81, as model courts, had undergone training at Marcelo H. del Pilar College of Law of Bulacan State University College of Law following a directive from the Supreme Court of the Philippines. De la Rama said it was the dream of Chief Justice Reynato Puno to implement the program in other areas such as Laguna, Cavite, Quezon, Nueva Ecija, Batangas, Rizal and Metro Manila.[9]

Advocates of English say that it is the wave of the future, with science, world trade and the Internet become more important every decade. However, Philippine-language advocates respond that although the growing influence of English may be unstoppable, English is an exogenous language that is difficult for the mass of Filipinos to acquire fluently, while tens of millions are acquiring the lingua franca and using it extensively on a daily basis. English will remain a second language, as in Finland or the Netherlands, while the endogenous Austronesian languages will come to play a more important role in both speech and writing. National census results show that there are very few native speakers of English in the Philippines, a few percent from a small stratum of wealthy and highly educated families, and this is not increasing very rapidly. On the other hand, Filipino, Cebuano, and Ilocano continue to grow vigorously, as lingua francas, second languages, and as first languages as well.

[edit] Chinese/Lan-nang

Main article: Lan-nang

The islanders have been trading with China and Japan since the early 10th or 11th century. Mandarin Chinese is the medium of instruction in Chinese schools and lingua franca of the mainland and overseas Chinese. The Lan-nang variant of the Hokkien (Min Nan) is the language of the majority the Chinese in the Philippines, who immigrated from the Fujian (pronounced locally as Fukien or Hokkien) province in China. Another Chinese language, Cantonese, is spoken among the Chinese in the Philippines who are descendants of people from Guangdong province in China.

[edit] Arabic

Arabic is used by some members of the Muslim population. It is used in religious instruction in madrasahs (Muslim schools) and, more rarely, for official events among Muslim peoples. Historically, Arabic, along with Malay, was used as a lingua franca in the Malay Archipelago among Muslim traders and the Muslim Malay aristocracy throughout the Archipelago. Arabic is taught for free and promoted in some Islamic centers and used for Islamic activities. According to the 1987 Constitution, Arabic, along with Spanish, is to be promoted on a voluntary basis.

[edit] Japanese

The Japanese first came to the Philippines in the 1200s A.D., the first country they immigrated to, as well as in waves in the 1400s, 1600s, late eighteen hundreds, 1900s, 30s, 40s. There is a small Japanese community and a school for Japanese in Metro Manila due to the number of Japanese companies. Also there is a large community of Japanese and Japanese descendants in Laguna province, Baguio city, and in the Davao region. Davao City is a home to a large population of Japanese descendants. Japanese laborers were hired by American companies like the National Fiber Company (NAFCO) in the first decades of the 20th century to work in abaca plantations. Japanese were known for their hard work and industry. During the World War II, Japanese schools were present in Davao City.

[edit] Malay

Spoken among Muslim peoples in the southern Philippines.

Old Malay and Indonesian cultures and civilizations in ancient Sumatra and Java have had a large influence on the history, lifestyles, and culture of various Philippine peoples, Old Malay has also had an immense influence on many if not most of the languages spoken in the Philippines. Roughly a third of all commonly used verbs and nouns used in the Philippines are of Old Malay origin.

When the Spanish had first arrived in the Philippines in the 16th century, Old Malay was spoken among the aristocracy.

It is believed that Ferdinand Magellan’s Moluccan slave Enrique could converse with local leaders in Cebu island, confirming to Magellan his arrival in Southeast Asia. An example of Old Malay and Javanese languages spoken in Philippine history can be seen in the language of the Laguna Copperplate Inscription.

[edit] South Asian languages

Since pre-Spanish times, there have been small Indian communities in the Philippines. Indians tend to be able to speak Tagalog and the other native languages, and are often fluent in English. Among themselves, Sindhi and Punjabi are used. Urdu is spoken among the Pakistani community. Only few South Asians, such as Pakistani, as well as the recent newcomers like the Marathi, Nepali, and Tamil retain their own native languages.

NGO

July 27, 2008

Best Practice Model: The Philippines Council for NGO Certification

The Philippines Council for NGO Certification (PCNC) is one of the most interesting developments in NGO regulation in recent years. Innovative and far sighted, it is proof that developing countries can be world-leaders in regulation.

The role of the PCNC is not that unusual. It is an accreditation body, established to identify those NGOs that meet best practice standards. Those that achieve these standards are eligible for additional tax benefits beyond those automatically given to all NGOs. This model is found in many other countries in Asia, Europe and Africa.

What makes PCNC such an interesting model is that the PCNC is itself an NGO. It is authorised by the Department of Finance to certify NGOs which then receive additional tax benefits.

PCNC’s NGO status brings many significant advantages which government run accreditation bodies lack. The most important of these advantages is credibility. Governments do not understand best practice in NGOs as well as NGOs themselves do. An accreditation system designed and implemented by NGOs is more effective, and therefore more credible to all stakeholders.

Furthermore, all government operated accreditation systems are open to criticism, often well-founded, that they institutionalise government favouritism. In other words, accredited NGOs receive special benefits not on merit, but because they are of a type which is politically favoured or, even worse, are well-connected. This criticism has undermined the credibility of a number of accreditation systems worldwide.

As a result it is the opinion of many international experts on NGO law and regulation that the NGO-led model as pioneered in the Philippines is the best model for an NGO accreditation agency.

The PCNC model has generated much global interest and has been discussed in numerous academic journals. It has prompted at least one imitator in the Pakistan Centre for Philanthropy, and a number of other countries are known to be considering the model.

NGO POVERTY MODELS

The following report encapsulates the survey findings of the research on the perceptions of poverty and the effectiveness of poverty alleviation programs in the government and non-government sectors in the Philippines. The key objectives of the study were to find out Government and NGO managers’ definition of poverty and the poor, the poverty models that guide the Government and the NGO poverty alleviation programs and strategies, and the way Government and NGO managers perceive the effectiveness and impact of their poverty alleviation programs. The significance of the research lies in the implications of its findings on policy formulation at the local level to address poverty in the Philippines. The study included an opinion survey, an overview of the eight operating poverty models on which the various alleviation programs are based, and the key poverty assistance services, among other insights from the survey. Through the survey, the study primarily addressed the following key research questions:

1. How do government (GO) and non-government (NGO) Poverty Alleviation Program (PAP) Managers define ‘poor’?

2. What poverty models do these PAP (Poverty Alleviation Programs) managers use as a basis in planning their programs?

3. If the data on poverty attitudes were allowed to group themselves, what data-driven attitude categories or poverty models will emerge?

4. How do the GO and NGO PAP managers see the effectiveness and impact of their PAPs in their specific target areas?

The study dealt with the strategic issue of how anti-poverty program managers can gain a good and sound understanding of the true operative causes and consequences of poverty in their target areas. It was found out from the survey that the PAP (Poverty Alleviation Program) managers do not properly understand the true operative causes and consequences of poverty, but only insofar as their PAP’s specific target area is concerned. By having too many “models” of poverty causes and consequences, these PAP managers are not able to focus their poverty reduction strategies in the right direction. Perhaps, their PAP’s mission locks their strategies too prematurely to a predetermined poverty model that may not capture the true priority that their PAP needs to address when implementing their programs and activities in their target poverty area.

According to the study, the answer—or at least a good, tested answer—is to start by really understanding the target beneficiaries, instead of forcing them to fit within certain poverty models.

Philippines

As a part of worldwide MicroStart program in the Philippines UNDP-MSP launched a 6-month Preparatory Assistance Phase in September 1998. Prior to it, the total outreach of MFIs operating in the Philippines was so insignificant that most of the underprivileged people remained out of the microcredit umbrella. As a result, the vicious circle of poverty remains intact in spite of taking various steps by the government. In fact, for lack of sufficient resources of the poor to fight against poverty, poor remain susceptible to poverty. In this backdrop, the expansion of microcredit outreach has been one of the imperatives in the Philippines.  In the beginning of MicroStart in the Philippines, the total capacity of MFIs could cover only 500,000. At least 5 million families were living below the poverty line. In this perspective, the Philippines required an overwhelming operation of microcredit, which could play a catalystic role in improving poverty situation and surmounting poverty line.

Virtually MicroStart in the Philippines is a tripartiate program involving UNDP, PCFC and ASA, which represent respectively donor agency, governmental counterpart of the Philippines and technical assistance provider. In the beginning ASA involved three different local sectors naming NGO, co-operative and rural bank and selected 14 local partners out of them. After getting the preparatory assistance phase finished, ASA launched its next phase in June 1999, which involves a three-year implementation program. As a part of this phase, ASA imparted training to 150 management and field level people of 14 local partners, exposing the operational techniques and prospects of microfinance, which made them well groomed for microfinance operation, Under the close supervision of ASA consultant, a real journey was embarked on in August 1999 through adopting necessary arrangements of loaning and savings.

In the first four months of its inception of operation, 5,060 out of 6,278 savers borrowed P18.5 million. The rate of recovery of the mentioned period was 100%. Thus, ASA carried on the process of delivering technical assistance with a purpose of creating sustainable MFIs within initially stipulated three-year period. By the end of December 2000, MSP has completed one and a half-year of its operational journey. In the first year period, emphasis was given on Pilot Program to acquire knowledge regarding how to exercise and transplant ASA’s model.

After the completion of one year, the process is going on to integrate the pilot projects in the mainstream and adopting best practice and strategic changes.

According to earlier report, the expansion of outreach was not at all satisfactory because of loan crises and termination of the membership of end beneficiaries. Report of December 2000 presents another feature that almost 80% of target of outreach expansion of pilot branches. The savings accumulation is 90% of baseline. Current loan disbursement or investment is 117% of baseline. Notably, these quantitative reports of performance include the performance of only pilot operations.

In comparison with COOP and Rural Bank, NGO enjoys the highest degree of outreach expansion. Although, COOP suffers from on-lending fund and difficulty from democratic decision making process. But for lack of loan the NGO faces setback. Otherwise, it could have shown more growth rate. The growth of CBU facilities in RB is the highest among all.

In loan facility, NGO reflects the highest growth possessing 161% as against 157% of Rural Bank and 65% of COOP. In statistical report, it is clear that NGO sector is the most promising compared with others to extend CBU and loan facility to the end beneficiaries.

In respect of financial and operational viability, report says, 8 partners are financially viable but others are operationally viable. Rural Bank is efficient in terms of viability.

Unlike the other cluster, profitability is not primary concern for NGO. Those partner which seemed to be dieting as per earlier report within one year period achieved financial viability.

Massive expansion for MSP seems to be unrealistic due to scarcity of fund. Even some partners are trying to survive amidst serious liquidity crisis. In spite of such situation, at least five partners namely CCT, SCFI, NORFIL, Miladee, WIFE are advancing steadily. Although pilot projects have already been parts of mainstream and it is going to have an institutional shape, the future of MSP is overcast by the shortage of fund.

crossword puzzle

July 27, 2008

Angela S. Aguirre BC II-1

Crossword Puzzle

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ACROSS

1 Hang around

6 Strip of smoke

10 Huffed and puffed

14 Likeness

15 Smidgeon

16 Palliate

17 Kind of cookie

19 Bart Simpson’s sister

20 Elevs.

21 Actress Grant

22 Homeowner’s agent

24 Today’s OSS

25 Gardner’s Mason

26 Truth vis-à-vis fiction?

30 Amen!

34 Poker token

35 “East of Eden” twin

37 Actress Irene

38 Take five

39 Consumer activist Ralph

40 Ensnare

41 Quarters

44 You bet!

45 Author Morrison

46 Full stop

47 Offered sympathy to

50 Lethal slipknot

51 Light brown

52 You go girl!

56 Just might

57 AKA’s commerce cousin

60 1952 Olympics site

61 Michael J. Fox sitcom

64 Ersatz butter

65 Transport for ETs

66 Santa’s helpers

67 Unassuming

68 Totals

69 Meager

DOWN

1 Way up

2 Do not include

3 Morrison and Cliburn

4 Coop item

5 Catch by persistence

6 Sagacious

7 Electrified particle

8 Rubberneck

9 Documents

10 Navel

11 Café au

12 Exxon. Once

13 ___ and tear

18 Carter’s successor

23 2005 MVP

24 Peter Pan’s arch enemy

25 Grocery section

26 Throw out

27 In that place

28 Part of a stair

29 Important periods

31 Sigh up: var

32 Senseless

33 Lukewarm

36 Roman despot

40 Car for hire

43 Lampblack

47 Clumsy clod

48 Accept a proposal

51 Major glitch

53 Kitchen or den

54 Wight or Capri

55 Merriment

56 Yearn to see again

57 Fabulous entertainer

58 ___ around the block

59 Part of P.A.

62 Woman of the house

63 Gentle treatment


Angela S. Aguirre BC II-1

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heograpiya

July 1, 2008

Heograpiya ang tawag sa agham ng mga lokasyon ng mundo. Nakapokus ito sa distribusyon ng likas na yaman at mga tao sa ibabaw ng lupa.

Ang salitang heograpiya ay mula sa salitang Kastilang geografía. Nag-ugat ito sa mga salitang Griyegong gi (‘daigdig’) at grafein (‘isulat’ o ‘ilarawan’).

 

Ang heograpiya ay isang siyensa tungo sa pagbabahagi (distribution) at pagsasaayos (arrangement) sa mga elementong matatagpuan sa ibabaw ng mundo.

Bukod dito, ito rin ay isang pagaaral tungkol sa mundo; ang mga katangian nito; ang pagsisimula ng buhay, kasama ang buhay ng tao at aktibidades ng tao.

Kasaysayan- ito ay tumutukoy sa naganap noong unang panahon. Mahalaga ito sa atin dahil malalaman natin kung ano ang nangyari noong unang panahon.

Ang kasaysayan ay isang mahalagang pangyayari sa nakaraan na nakaapekto sa bawat buhay ng tao.

Kasaysayan– ito ang ulat o salaysay ng mga tunay na pangyayaring naganap sa iba’t-ibang panahon sa isang lahi o bansa.

Kultura-Katawagang nangangahulugang kabuuan ng mga tradisyon,paniniwala,batas at iba pang ugaling natutuhan at nakuha ng ibang tao bilang kasapi ng pamayanan.

 Ang kultura o kalinangán sa pangkalahatan ay tumutukoy sa aktibidad ng sangkatauhan. Iba’t iba ang kahulugan ng kultura na sumasalamin sa iba’t ibang mga teoriya sa kaunawaan, o sukatan sa pagpapahalaga, sa aktibidad ng sangkatauhan.

Ang sibilisasyon ay ang pamumuhay sa lungsod. Ito ay estado ng lipunan kung saan may sariling historical at cultural na pagkakaisa o unity

 

Ang Teritoryo ay nasasakupang lupa ng isang lugar o bansa.

 

 

Ang pamahalaan ay isang organisasyon na may kapangyarihan na gumawa at magpatupad ng batas sa isang nasasakupang teritoryo. Maraming kahulugan kung ano ang binubuo ng isang pamahalaan.

Nabigyan ng kahulugan ang pamahalaan bilang ang makapangyarihang braso na gumamawa ng pasya sa estado. Nabigyan ng kahulugan ang huli (ni Max Weber, isang ekonomistang pampolitika at sa bandang huli pilosopiyang pampolitika) bilang isang organisasyon na hinahawak ang monopolyo sa lehitimong paggamit ng dahas sa loob ng kanyang nasasakupan. Kung titignan sa maka-etikang termino, bukas sa usapin ang kahulugan ng “lehitimo”, at nangangahulugan na kinukunsidera na isang estado para sa mga tagataguyod ang organisasyon ngunit di sa mga nagpapababa ng dangal nito. Binibigyan ng kahulugan ng ilan ang “lehitimo” bilang pagsangkot sa aktibo at walang kibong suporta ng nakakarami sa populasyon, i.e., ang kawalan ng digmaang sibil. (Hindi isang estado ang isang entidad na binabahagi ang kapangyarihan ng militar/pulis kasama ang malayang milisya at mandarambong. Maaaring “di nagtagumpay na estado.”) Pinapalakas ng maka-demokratikong pagkontrol sa pamahalaan – at sa ganitong paraan ang estado – ang pagiging lehitimo nito.

Maaari din na ang kahulugan ng pamahalaan bilang isang pampolitika na pamamaraan ng paglikha at pagpapatupad ng batas; kadalasan sa pamamagitan ng byurukrasyang herarkiya. Sa ganitong kahulugan, hindi inaayunan bilang isang pamahalaan ang isang purong despotikong organisasyon na kinokontrol ang isang nasasakupan na walang sinasaad na batas.

 

 

Ang lungsod ng Valenzuela ay isa sa mga lungsod at mga munisipalidad na binubuo ng Kalakhang Maynila sa Pilipinas. May tinatayang mga 500,000 mga residente ang lungsod at pangunahing industriyal at residensyal na suburb ng Maynila. Dumadaan ang North Luzon Expressway sa lungsod at palabas ng Kalakhang Maynila patungong lalawigan ng Bulacan.

May lawak na 46 kilometro kuadrado ang Lungsod ng Valenzuela. Napapaligiran ito ng Lungsod Quezon at hilagang Lungsod ng Kalookan sa silangan, Lungsod ng Malabon at katimogang Lungsod ng Kalookan sa timog, Obando sa Bulacan sa kanluran, at Meycauayan, sa Bulacan din, sa hilaga.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Valenzuela City

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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City of Valenzuela
Lungsod ng Valenzuela


Seal

 

Nickname: The Vibrant City

Motto: Valenzuela, May Disiplina

Map of Metro Manila showing the location of Valenzuela City Coordinates: 14°41’N 120°58’E

Country


 Philippines

Region

National Capital Region

Province

none (It is formerly on Bulacan province until 1975)

Districts

1st and 2nd districts of Valenzuela City

Barangays

32

Incorporated (town)

1623

Incorporated (city)

December 30, 1998

Government

 – Mayor

Sherwin T. Gatchalian (2007-2010; (NPC)

 – Vice Mayor

Eric Martinez (2007-2010;(NPC/Lakas-CMD)

Area

 – Total

47.0 km² (18.1 sq mi)

Population (2000)

 – Total

485,433

Time zone

PST (UTC+8)

ZIP code

1440 (Valenzuela City Post Office)

Area code(s)

02

Website: Official Website of Valenzuela City

The City of Valenzuela (Filipino: Lungsod ng Valenzuela) is one of the cities and municipalities in the Philippines that make up Metro Manila. The city has approximately 500,000 residents and is primarily an industrial and residential suburb of Manila. The North Luzon Expressway passes through the city and out of Metro Manila into the province of Bulacan.

Valenzuela has a land area of approximately 45 square kilometers. It is bordered by Quezon City and northern Caloocan City to the east, by Malabon City and southern Caloocan City to the south, by Obando in Bulacan to the west, and Meycauayan City, also in Bulacan, to the north.

Since becoming a city in 1998, Valenzuela’s economy has flourished and its population has swelled significantly.

[edit] History

Valenzuela means “little Valencia” in Spanish, and is also the surname Dr. Pio Valenzuela, a Filipino physician and patriot who was among the leaders of the Katipunan that started the Philippine Revolution against Spain after which the city was named.

Valenzuela City was originally known as Polo, and established as an independent town of the province of Bulacan in 1623. Polo was an idyllic center of agriculture and fishery carved from the town of Meycauayan, Bulacan. The town acquired its independence through the efforts of Father Juan Taranco and Don Juan Monsod.

The chapel of San Diego de Alcala, and its now famous belfry, was completed in 1632 and became the town’s center that stood witness to several battles during the Spanish, American and Japanese occupations.

On July 21, 1960, President Diosdado Macapagal signed Executive Order No. 401, which led to the creation of the Municipality of Valenzuela, in honor of Dr. Pio Valenzuela, a significant personality in Philippine history who was born here. In [1]September 11, 1963, another order signed by President Macapagal which unites the municipalities of Polo and Valenzuela under a one united government, called Municipality of Valenzuela.

Because of the rapid growth of the Greater Manila Area in terms of population, as well as social and economic requirements in the early seventies, and the municipality’s proximity to the area, Presidential Decree Number 824 was issued on November 7, 1975, creating the Metropolitan Manila Commission and separating the Municipality of Valenzuela from the Province of Bulacan.

As part of the Greater Manila Area, The social and political upheavals of the seventies and early eighties did not dampen the pulsating economy of the municipality. It was, in fact, a golden age in the history and culture of Valenzuela when businesses and industries in the municipality grew rapidly.

In 1986, a new socio-political order swept the country. The four days of the People Power Revolution were marked by an outpouring of love, anger, hysteria and courage by a people fighting for change and renewal. The restoration of democracy in the country also brought about a paradigm shift in national and local government relations.

The passage of the Local Government Code in 1991 unlocked and marshalled the repressed energies of local communities. The Local Government Code provides genuine and meaningful autonomy to enable local governments to attain their fullest development as self-reliant communities. It was during this time that Valenzuela began charting its own destiny and moved the local economy in the direction it chose.

From then on, Valenzuela had to cope with rapid urbanization as part of the Greater Manila Area. It is considered as a vital link between the National Capital Region and Northern Luzon. And 23 years after its separation from Bulacan and 375 years after its founding, On February 14, 1998, then President Fidel Ramos signed Republic Act No. 8526, converting the Municipality of Valenzuela under the administration of Mayor Bobbit L. Carlos into a highly urbanized city, making Valenzuela the 12th city in Metro Manila and the 83rd in the Philippines.

[edit] Valenzuela as a gateway

An eight-lane section of the expressway, this was taken in Valenzuela City going northbound.

Two major highways traverse Valenzuela City – the MacArthur Highway and the North Luzon Expressway. The proximity of the North Luzon Expressway to the city center makes Valenzuela a northern gateway to Metro Manila and a choice location for business.

Public transportation within the city, like in most of the urban areas in the Philippines, is facilitated mostly using inexpensive jeepneys and buses. Tricycles are used for short distances, while Taxi cabs are used by the upper middle class to navigate any course.

[edit] Government

[edit] Mayors and Vice Mayors

Like other cities in the Philippines, Valenzuela City is governed by a Mayor and Vice Mayor who are elected to three-year terms. The Mayor is the executive head and leads the city’s departments in executing the city ordinances and improving public services. The Vice Mayor heads a legislative council consisting of 15 members: 6 Councilors from the First District, 6 Councilors from the Second District, the President of the Sangguniang Kabataan (Youth Council) Federation, representing the youth sector, and the President of the Association of Barangay Chairmen (ABC) as barangay sectoral representative. The council is in charge of creating the city’s policies in the form of Ordinances and Resolutions.

[edit] Mayors of Valenzuela City

*                   Marcelino `Mar’ G. Morelos, (June 28, 2008)-

*                   Sherwin `Win’ T. Gatchalian, (June 30, 2004)-(June 27, 2008)

*                   Jose Emmanuel `Bobbit’ L. Carlos,(June 30, 1995)-(June 30, 2004)

*                   Santiago `Santy’ De Guzman,(June 30, 1992)-(June 30, 1995)

[edit] Vice Mayors of Valenzuela City

*                   Katherine C. Pineda, (June 28, 2008)

*                   Eric Martinez ,(June 30, 2007)-(June 28, 2008)

*                   Antonio Espiritu ,(June 30, 2001)-(June 30, 2007)

*                   Ernesto De Guzman,(June 30, 1998)-(June 30, 2001)

*                   Evelyn Hernandez,(June 30, 1995)-(June 30, 1998)

*                   Jose Emmanuel Carlos,(June 30, 1992)-(June 30, 1995)

[edit] Districts and Barangays

Valenzuela is composed of 32 barangays which are grouped into two congressional districts, and two legislative districts. Legislative District 1 contains 23 barangays in the northern half of the city, while legislative District 2 occupies the 9 barangays in the southern portion of the city.

District 1*                   Arkong Bato

*                   Balangkas

*                   Bignay

*                   Bisig

*                   Canumay

*                   Coloong

*                   Dalandanan

*                   Isla

*                   Lawang Bato

*                   Lingunan

*                   Mabolo

*                   Malanday

*                   Malinta

*                   Palasan

*                   Pariancillo Villa

*                   Pasolo

*                   Poblacion

*                   Pulo

*                   Punturin

*                   Rincon

*                   Tagalag

*                   Veinte Reales

*                   Wawang Pulo

District 2*                   Gen. T. De Leon

*                   Karuhatan

*                   Bagbaguin

*                   Mapulang Lupa

*                   Marulas

*                   Maysan

*                   Parada

*                   Paso de Blas

*                   Ugong

[edit] RP’s ‘largest’ barangay hall

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, assisted by Valenzuela second district Congressman Atty. Magtanggol T. Gunigundo I, former Mayor Sherwin Gatchalian, former Vice Mayor Eric Martinez, and Barangay Maysan Chairman Enrique Urrutia, on May 15, 2008, inaugurated the “largest” P 27 million (3-storey building with a floor area of 3,000 square meters on a 936-square-meter lot) Barangay hall in the Philippines. The Maysan Barangay Complex (MBC) is built in the middle of the 253-hectare Barangay Maysan, Valenzuela City.[2]

[edit] Education

The city government prides itself in giving free education to its quality free education to its constituents through its primary, secondary and tertiary schools .

Valenzuela City has many colleges and universities, like the city-owned Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Valenzuela and Valenzuela City Polytechnic College, even the Valenzuela City Science High School, created 2003. The city also is famous for its Dalandanan National High School, cradle of students that were winning at various regional and national competitions since its establishment on 1996. There are also privately-owned academic institutions include the Our Lady Of Fatima University, Children of Mary Immaculate College, Saint Jude Academy, Saint Louis College – Valenzuela, Our Lady of Lourdes College.

[edit] Health

Valenzuela City provides medical missions and free medical operations in the city. There are numerous hospitals in Valenzuela City , one of the public hospital in Valenzuela is Valenzuela City Emergency Hospital & Valenzuela City General Hospital . There are also privately owned Fatima Medical Center. Other private hospitals such as Calalang General Hospital and Santissimo Rosario General Hospital

[edit] VC Cares program

A health and social welfare service delivery system which promotes self-reliance within a caring society.The VC Cares Program is designed for individuals who are unable to provide for themselves health care and basic necessities or meet special emergency situations of need. While health care service and financial assistance are generally the forms of assistance given, these may be supplemented by other forms of assistance, as well as problem-solving and referral services. Appropriate referrals may be made to other agencies or institutions where complementary services may be obtained.

[edit] Shopping centers

On October 28, 2005 SM Supercenter Valenzuela was inaugurated. Other shopping sites such as Puregold Valenzuela, and the newly renovated South Supermarket, compete with the largest chain of malls in the Philippines.

SM Supercenter Valenzuela also build in this place located at Karuhatan

[edit] Banking

Almost all of the major commercial banks in the Philippines operate a branch in the city. Major banks was operated in the city of more than one branch. At this time, there are 50 banking institutions offer banking services to businesses and residents. Most of these are concentrated in Barangay Karuhatan, Gen. T. De Leon, Marulas and Malinta

[edit] Utilities and Communications

Valenzuela’s source of electricity is part of the Manila Electric Company or Meralco. Water supply for the city is supplied by the Maynilad Water. Valenzuela’s communication system is powered by the Philippine Long Distance Telephone company, Globe Telecom, Bayan Telecommunications Corporation (BayanTel) and others. Cellular network in the Philippines particularly the metropolitan areas is increasing rapidly together with the low cost of calls and text messaging. Such big companies that control the cellular networks in the Philippines and Valenzuela itself are Globe Telecom, Smart Communications (PLDT) and Sun Cellular from Digitel. Cable television access is provided by SkyCable, Home Cable and Global Destiny. Internet Digital Subscriber Line or DSL coverage is provided by PLDT, cable internet is serviced by Sky Cable’s ZPDee and Global Destiny. Wireless broadband is provided by Globeliness Broadband and Smart Communications.

[edit] Landmarks and attractions

Residence of Dr. Pio Valenzuela – Dr. Pio Valenzuela was part of the triumvirate, along with Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Jacinto, that composed the Katipunan, and was one of the founders of Ang Kalayaan — the official organ of the movement. He was born on July 11, 1869 in this house along Velilla Street in Barangay Pariancillo Villa.

Bell Tower of San Diego De Alcala Church – The Church of San Diego de Alcala was built in 1632 by the people of Polo. Residents were taken to forced labor to complete the church after the town gained its independence through Father Juan Taranco and Don Juan Monsod. The belfry and entrance arch, which are over four centuries old, are the only parts of the edifice that remain to this day. The main structure was destroyed by bombs during the Japanese occupation. Residents of Barangays Polo and Poblacion celebrate the Feast Day of San Diego de Alcala on the 12th of November every year.

Arkong Bato – Literally, Arkong Bato is an arch of stone along M.H Del Pilar Street, built by the Americans in 1910. The arch then marked the boundary between the provinces of Rizal and Bulacan.In the olden days, M.H Del Pilar was the primary road leading to Northern Luzon before MacArthur Highway was opened.

Museo ng Valenzuela -To date, it is in the 3rd phase of construction. The original museum of Valenzuela was the house where Dr. Pio Valenzuela, a hero in the struggle of freedom against Spain and in whose memory the old town of Polo was renamed, was born and saw the best years of his life. This same house was burned recently.

National Shrine of Our Lady of Fatima -The National Shrine of Our Lady of Fatima, the center of the Fatima apostolate in the country, was declared a tourist site in 1982 by the Deptartment of Tourism and a pilgrimage shrine this year by the Diocese of Malolos.

Valenzuela City Convention Center This is the center of performing arts of Valenzuela . This facility also caters to various events such as plays, concerts, shows, exhibits and seminars.

Valenzuela City Hall The city hall surrounding many city government agencies and offices, and open areas, and it was located in the heart of the city. It was built in 1967

Valenzuela City Government Center A One stop shop. Faster, more convenient service. Bigger, more comfortable taxpayer’s lounge. Located on a 2,227.5sq. meters lot along McArthur Highway, the three-storey building will house all revenue-generating offices such as the City Treasury and the Business Permits and Licensing Office (BPLO) The new taxpayers lounge will not have drawers and tables inside the offices.

There will be a Customer Complaints Desk to handle all queries such as assessment and billing. All complaints and questions received are logged by the Customer Complaints Action Officer, as well as the corresponding action taken on such complaints and or questions

[edit] Feast

MANO PO SAN ROQUE FESTIVAL May 12 | Valenzuela City

*                   Street dancing and procession along the city’s major thoroughfares in commemoration of the feast of San Roque, highlighting the customs and traditional celebration of the festival.

FEAST OF SAN DIEGO DE ALCALA November 12 | Poblacion, Valenzuela City

*                   Celebration of the feast of the oldest church in Valenzuela City, which includes annual boat racing, street dancing and different fabulous activities of the festival.

PUTONG POLO FESTIVAL November 12 | Polo, Valenzuela, Metro Manila

*                   As part of the San Diego de Alcala Feast Day, it is one of the unique food festival in the country which features the famous Putong Polo, the small but classy “kaka in” which was originally created in the town of Polo, Valenzuela.

 

[edit] Fiscal management

1.) Income

*                   The City Government posted higher income in 2005 with a total collection of P 1.245 Billion, against P 1.018 Billion in 2004. There is an increase of P 227 Million in income. This increase is a combined result of extensive tax collection efforts, vigorous information campaign, diligent tax mapping, and auction of real properties with long standing delinquencies.

2.) Savings

*                   The City Government generated an aggregate savings of P 117 Million in 2005, against only P 21 Million in 2004. This is the result of adopting cost-saving measures such as buying the cheapest supplies and materials without sacrificing quality and buying only things that are really needed.

[edit] Flood control program & clean and green projects

A.) Comprehensive and Effective Flood Control Program

*                   Road and drainage improvement

*                   De-clogging and de-silting of drainages, creeks and other waterways

*                   Repair and maintenance of dikes, floodgates and pumping stations

B.) Cleaning and Greening Program

*                   100% garbage collection efficiency

*                   Establishment of Task Force Disiplina

*                   Anti-littering campaign

*                   Fully operational City Pound and intensive animal-catching operations

*                   Implementation of the Cleanest Barangay Award

[edit] Infrastructures

*                   Construction of 4-storey building at Gen. T. De Leon National High School

*                   Construction of the new Valenzuela City Government Center

*                   Improvement of Museo Valenzuela

*                   Construction of two (2) bridges – Lingunan to Lawang Bato and Parada to Mapulang Lupa

*                   Repair of road and drainage improvement at M.H. del Pilar Rd.

*                   Asphalting of road and drainage improvement at Gen T. De Leon Rd

*                   Asphalting of road at Maysan Rd

*                   Rehabilitation of Mc Arthur Highway

[edit] Peace and order

*                   Donation of fourteen (14) patrol vehicles and nineteen (19) motorcycles to increase police visibility

*                   Donation of one hundred (100) units rechargeable flashlights (Maglite) for nightwatch patrol

*                   Donation of forty two (42) handheld radios

*                   Additional PhP 500.00 monthly allowance for police personnel

*                   Establishment of Police Community Precinct (PCP) 8 at Que Grande, Barangay Ugong

[edit] Sister city

*                   Bucheon, South Korea

 

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Pío Valenzuela
Born July 11, 1869
Polo, Bulacan
Died April 6, 1956
Polo, Bulacan
Nationality Filipino
Occupation Writer

Pío Valenzuela (July 11, 1869April 6, 1956) was a Filipino physician and patriot who was among the leaders of the Katipunan that started the Philippine Revolution against Spain. Valenzuela City in northern Metro Manila was named after him.

He wrote his memoirs of the Philippine Revolution in the 1920s, but historians have since been wary of his autobiography because of some inconsistencies in his version of events, particularly about his meeting with Jose Rizal in Dapitan in 1896.

[edit] Early years

Valenzuela was born in Polo, Bulacan to Francisco Valenzuela and Lorenza Alejandrino, who both came from wealthy families. He studied at Colegio de San Juan de Letran and at the University of Santo Tomas where he finished his licentiate in medicine in 1895.

He was still a medical student when he joined the Katipunan secret society that was founded by Andres Bonifacio on July 7, 1892. He became a close friend of Bonifacio and would eventually become the godfather of Bonifacio’s child by Gregoria de Jesus.

[edit] The revolutionary life

He was elected fiscal of the secret society in December 1895. He was inducted together with the other elected officials at Bonifacioís home on New Yearís Day in 1896.

Shortly after his induction, Valenzuela moved to San Nicolas district in Manila so he could supervise the publication of the secret society’s official organ. Valenzuela claimed in his memoirs that he was supposed to be the editor of the publication but Emilio Jacinto would eventually be the one to supervise its printing.

Valenzuela said he was the one who suggested the name Kalayaan (Freedom) for the publication. To mislead the Spanish authorities, he also suggested that they place the name of Marcelo H. del Pilar as editor and Yokohama, Japan as the place of publication.

Kalayaan’s first number, dated January 18, 1896, came out in March 1896 and consisted of a thousand copies which was distributed to Katipunan members all over the country. However, the publication only came out with one more issue because the Katipunan had already been uncovered by the Spanish authorities. He considered the publication of Kalayaan as the most important accomplishment of the secret chamber of the Katipunan, which he claimed consisted of himself, Bonifacio and Jacinto.

In a meeting of the secret chamber in July 1896, they decided to assassinate the Spanish Ausgustine friar who uncovered the Katipunan to the authorities, but they failed to accomplish the mission. Valenzuela also claimed that after the discovery of the Katipunan, he and Bonifacio distributed letters implicating wealthy Filipinos, who refused to extend financial assistance to the Katipunan.

He was a member of the committee that was tasked to smuggle arms for the Katipunan from Japan. He was also with Bonifacio, Jacinto and Procopio Bonifacio when they organized the Katipunan council in Cavite.

At the secret general meeting called by Bonifacio on the night of May 1, 1896 at Barrio Ugong in Pasig, Valenzuela presented to the body a proposal to solicit contributions to buy arms and munitions from Japan. The proposal was approved on condition that it first be approved by Jose Rizal, who was in exile in Dapitan in Mindanao.

Valenzuela was tasked to discuss the matter with Rizal and he left for Dapitan on June 15, 1896. However, Rizal told him that the revolution should not be started until sufficient arms had been secured and the support of the wealthy Filipinos had been won over.

When the Katipunan was discovered, he fled to Balintawak on August 20, 1896, but he later availed of an amnesty that the Spanish colonial government offered and he surrendered on September 1, 1896.

He was deported to Spain where he was tried and imprisoned in Madrid. He was later transferred to Málaga, Barcelona and then to a Spanish outpost in Africa. He was incarcerated for about two years.

[edit] Under the Americans

Upon his return to the Philippines in April 1899, he was again imprisoned by the Americans, who had just taken over the Philippines after the Spanish-American War. He was detained until September of that year.

Later, he Americans appointed him municipal president of his hometown of Polo and he served in that capacity from 1902 to 1919. He then served as governor of Bulacan from 1919 to 1925.

He wrote his memoirs after retiring from politics, or thirty years after the fact. He died in his hometown in the morning of April 6, 1956. He was married to Marciana Castro by whom he had seven children.

Phil. Literature

June 24, 2008

The Literary Forms in Philippine Literature

by: Christine F. Godinez-Ortega

       The diversity and richness of Philippine literature evolved side by side with the country’s history. This can best be appreciated in the context of the country’s pre-colonial cultural traditions and the socio-political histories of its colonial and contemporary traditions.         

       The average Filipino’s unfamiliarity with his indigenous literature was largely due to what has been impressed upon him: that his country was “discovered” and, hence, Philippine “history” started only in 1521.

       So successful were the efforts of colonialists to blot out the memory of the country’s largely oral past that present-day Filipino writers, artists and journalists are trying to correct this inequity by recognizing the country’s wealth of ethnic traditions and disseminating them in schools and in the mass media.

       The rousings of nationalistic pride in the 1960s and 1970s also helped bring about this change of attitude among a new breed of Filipinos concerned about the “Filipino identity.”

 

Pre-Colonial Times

       Owing to the works of our own archaeologists, ethnologists and anthropologists, we are able to know more and better judge information about our pre-colonial times set against a bulk of material about early Filipinos as recorded by Spanish, Chinese, Arabic and other chroniclers of the past.

       Pre-colonial inhabitants of our islands showcase a rich past through their folk speeches, folk songs, folk narratives and indigenous rituals and mimetic dances that affirm our ties with our Southeast Asian neighbors.

       The most seminal of these folk speeches is the riddle which is tigmo in Cebuano, bugtong in Tagalog, paktakon in Ilongo and patototdon in Bicol. Central to the riddle is the talinghaga or metaphor because it “reveals subtle resemblances between two unlike objects” and one’s power of observation and wit are put to the test. While some riddles are ingenious, others verge on the obscene or are sex-related:

Gaddang:

        Gongonan nu usin y amam If you pull your daddy’s penis

        Maggirawa pay sila y inam. Your mommy’s vagina, too,

(Campana) screams. (Bell)

       The proverbs or aphorisms express norms or codes of behavior, community beliefs or they instill values by offering nuggets of wisdom in short, rhyming verse.

       The extended form, tanaga, a mono-riming heptasyllabic quatrain expressing insights and lessons on life is “more emotionally charged than the terse proverb and thus has affinities with the folk lyric.” Some examples are the basahanon or extended didactic sayings from Bukidnon and the daraida and daragilon from Panay.

       The folk song, a form of folk lyric which expresses the hopes and aspirations, the people’s lifestyles as well as their loves. These are often repetitive and sonorous, didactic and naive as in the children’s songs or Ida-ida (Maguindanao), tulang pambata (Tagalog) or cansiones para abbing (Ibanag).

       A few examples are the lullabyes or Ili-ili (Ilongo); love songs like the panawagon and balitao (Ilongo); harana or serenade (Cebuano); the bayok (Maranao); the seven-syllable per line poem, ambahan of the Mangyans that are about human relationships, social entertainment and also serve as a tool for teaching the young; work songs that depict the livelihood of the people often sung to go with the movement of workers such as the kalusan (Ivatan), soliranin (Tagalog rowing song) or the mambayu, a Kalinga rice-pounding song; the verbal jousts/games like the duplo popular during wakes.

       Other folk songs are the drinking songs sung during carousals like the tagay (Cebuano and Waray); dirges and lamentations extolling the deeds of the dead like the kanogon (Cebuano) or the Annako (Bontoc).

       A type of narrative song or kissa among the Tausug of Mindanao, the parang sabil, uses for its subject matter the exploits of historical and legendary heroes. It tells of a Muslim hero who seeks death at the hands of non-Muslims.

       The folk narratives, i.e. epics and folk tales are varied, exotic and magical. They explain how the world was created, how certain animals possess certain characteristics, why some places have waterfalls, volcanoes, mountains, flora or fauna and, in the case of legends, an explanation of the origins of things. Fables are about animals and these teach moral lessons.

       Our country’s epics are considered ethno-epics because unlike, say, Germany’s Niebelunginlied, our epics are not national for they are “histories” of varied groups that consider themselves “nations.”

       The epics come in various names: Guman (Subanon); Darangen (Maranao); Hudhud (Ifugao); and Ulahingan (Manobo). These epics revolve around supernatural events or heroic deeds and they embody or validate the beliefs and customs and ideals of a community. These are sung or chanted to the accompaniment of indigenous musical instruments and dancing performed during harvests, weddings or funerals by chanters. The chanters who were taught by their ancestors are considered “treasures” and/or repositories of wisdom in their communities.

       Examples of these epics are the Lam-ang (Ilocano); Hinilawod (Sulod); Kudaman (Palawan); Darangen (Maranao); Ulahingan (Livunganen-Arumanen Manobo); Mangovayt Buhong na Langit (The Maiden of the Buhong Sky from Tuwaang–Manobo); Ag Tobig neg Keboklagan (Subanon); and Tudbulol (T’boli).

 

The Spanish Colonial Tradition

       While it is true that Spain subjugated the Philippines for more mundane reasons, this former European power contributed much in the shaping and recording of our literature.   Religion and institutions that represented European civilization enriched the languages in the lowlands, introduced theater which we would come to know as komedya, the sinakulo, the sarswela, the playlets and the drama. Spain also brought to the country, though at a much later time, liberal  ideas and an internationalism that influenced our own Filipino intellectuals and writers for them to understand the meanings of “liberty and freedom.”

       Literature in this period may be classified as religious prose and poetry and secular prose and poetry.

       Religious lyrics written by ladino poets or those versed in both Spanish and Tagalog were included in early catechism and were used to teach Filipinos the Spanish language. Fernando Bagonbanta’s “Salamat nang walang hanga/gracias de sin sempiternas” (Unending thanks) is a fine example that is found in the Memorial de la vida cristiana en lengua tagala (Guidelines for the Christian life in the Tagalog language) published in 1605.

       Another form of religious lyrics are the meditative verses like the dalit appended to novenas and catechisms. It has no fixed meter nor rime scheme although a number are written in octosyllabic quatrains and have a solemn tone and spiritual subject matter.

       But among the religious poetry of the day, it is the pasyon in octosyllabic quintillas that became entrenched in the Filipino’s commemoration of Christ’s agony and resurrection at Calvary. Gaspar Aquino de Belen’s “Ang Mahal na Passion ni Jesu Christong Panginoon natin na tola” (Holy Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ in Verse) put out in 1704 is the country’s earliest known pasyon.

       Other known pasyons chanted during the Lenten season are in Ilocano, Pangasinan, Ibanag, Cebuano, Bicol, Ilongo and Waray.

       Aside from religious poetry, there were various kinds of prose narratives written to prescribe proper decorum. Like the pasyon, these prose narratives were also used for proselitization. Some forms are: dialogo (dialogue), Manual de Urbanidad (conduct book); ejemplo (exemplum) and tratado (tratado). The most well-known are Modesto de Castro’s “Pagsusulatan ng Dalawang Binibini na si Urbana at si Feliza” (Correspondence between the Two Maidens Urbana and Feliza) in 1864 and Joaquin Tuason’s “Ang Bagong Robinson” (The New Robinson) in 1879, an adaptation of Daniel Defoe’s novel.

       Secular works appeared alongside historical and economic changes, the emergence of an opulent class and the middle class who could avail of a European education. This Filipino elite could now read printed works that used to be the exclusive domain of the missionaries.

       The most notable of the secular lyrics followed the conventions of a romantic tradition: the languishing but loyal lover, the elusive, often heartless beloved, the rival. The leading poets were Jose Corazon de Jesus (Huseng Sisiw) and Francisco Balagtas. Some secular poets who wrote in this same tradition were Leona Florentino, Jacinto Kawili, Isabelo de los Reyes and Rafael Gandioco.

       Another popular secular poetry is the metrical romance, the awit and korido in Tagalog. The awit is set in dodecasyllabic quatrains while the korido is in octosyllabic quatrains. These are colorful tales of chivalry from European sources made for singing and chanting such as Gonzalo de Cordoba (Gonzalo of Cordoba) and Ibong Adarna (Adarna Bird). There are numerous metrical romances in Tagalog, Bicol, Ilongo, Pampango, Ilocano and in Pangasinan. The awit as a popular poetic genre reached new heights in Balagtas’ “Florante at Laura” (ca. 1838-1861), the most famous of the country’s metrical romances.

       Again, the winds of change began to blow in 19th century Philippines. Filipino intellectuals educated in Europe called ilustrados began to write about the downside of colonization. This, coupled with the simmering calls for reforms by the masses gathered a formidable force of writers like Jose Rizal, Marcelo H. del Pilar, Mariano Ponce, Emilio Jacinto and Andres Bonifacio.

       This led to the formation of the Propaganda Movement where prose works such as the political essays and Rizal’s two political novels, Noli Me Tangere and the El filibusterismo helped usher in the Philippine revolution resulting in the downfall of the Spanish regime, and, at the same time planted the seeds of a national consciousness among Filipinos.

       But if Rizal’s novels are political, the novel Ninay (1885) by Pedro Paterno is largely cultural and is considered the first Filipino novel. Although Paterno’s Ninay gave impetus to other novelists like Jesus Balmori and Antonio M. Abad to continue writing in Spanish, this did not flourish.

       Other Filipino writers published the essay and short fiction in Spanish in La Vanguardia, El Debate, Renacimiento Filipino, and Nueva Era. The more notable essayists and fictionists were Claro M. Recto, Teodoro M. Kalaw, Epifanio de los Reyes, Vicente Sotto, Trinidad Pardo de Tavera, Rafael Palma, Enrique Laygo (Caretas or Masks, 1925) and Balmori who mastered the prosa romantica or romantic prose.

       But the introduction of English as medium of instruction in the Philippines hastened the demise of Spanish so that by the 1930s, English writing had overtaken Spanish writing. During the language’s death throes, however, writing in the romantic tradition, from the awit and korido, would continue in the novels of Magdalena Jalandoni. But patriotic writing continued under the new colonialists. These appeared in the vernacular poems and modern adaptations of works during the Spanish period and which further maintained the Spanish tradition.

 

The American Colonial Period

       A new set of colonizers brought about new changes in Philippine literature. New literary forms such as free verse [in poetry], the modern short story and the critical essay were introduced. American influence was deeply entrenched with the firm establishment of English as the medium of instruction in all schools and with literary modernism that highlighted the writer’s individuality and cultivated consciousness of craft, sometimes at the expense of social consciousness.

       The poet, and later, National Artist for Literature, Jose Garcia Villa used free verse and espoused the dictum, “Art for art’s sake” to the chagrin of other writers more concerned with the utilitarian aspect of literature. Another maverick in poetry who used free verse and talked about illicit love in her poetry was Angela Manalang Gloria, a woman poet described as ahead of her time. Despite the threat of censorship by the new dispensation, more writers turned up “seditious works” and popular writing in the native languages bloomed through the weekly outlets like Liwayway and Bisaya.

       The Balagtas tradition persisted until the poet Alejandro G. Abadilla advocated modernism in poetry. Abadilla later influenced young poets who wrote modern verses in the 1960s such as Virgilio S. Almario, Pedro I. Ricarte and Rolando S. Tinio.

       While the early Filipino poets grappled with the verities of the new language, Filipinos seemed to have taken easily to the modern short story as published in the Philippines Free Press, the College Folio and Philippines Herald. Paz Marquez Benitez’s “Dead Stars” published in 1925 was the first successful short story in English written by a Filipino. Later on, Arturo B. Rotor and Manuel E. Arguilla showed exceptional skills with the short story.

       Alongside this development, writers in the vernaculars continued to write in the provinces. Others like Lope K. Santos, Valeriano Hernandez Peña and Patricio Mariano were writing minimal narratives similar to the early Tagalog short fiction called dali or pasingaw (sketch).

       The romantic tradition was fused with American pop culture or European influences in the adaptations of Edgar Rice Burroughs’ Tarzan by F. P. Boquecosa who also penned Ang Palad ni Pepe after Charles Dicken’s David Copperfield even as the realist tradition was kept alive in the novels by Lope K. Santos and Faustino Aguilar, among others.

       It should be noted that if there was a dearth of the Filipino novel in English, the novel in the vernaculars continued to be written and serialized in weekly magazines like Liwayway, Bisaya, Hiligaynon and Bannawag.

       The essay in English became a potent medium from the 1920’s to the present. Some leading essayists were journalists like Carlos P. Romulo, Jorge Bocobo, Pura Santillan Castrence, etc. who wrote formal to humorous to informal essays for the delectation by Filipinos.

       Among those who wrote criticism developed during the American period were Ignacio Manlapaz, Leopoldo Yabes and I.V. Mallari. But it was Salvador P. Lopez’s criticism that grabbed attention when he won the Commonwealth Literay Award for the essay in 1940 with his “Literature and Society.” This essay posited that art must have substance and that Villa’s adherence to “Art for Art’s Sake” is decadent.

       The last throes of American colonialism saw the flourishing of Philippine literature in English at the same time, with the introduction of the New Critical aesthetics, made writers pay close attention to craft and “indirectly engendered a disparaging attitude” towards vernacular writings — a tension that would recur in the contemporary period.

 

The Contemporary Period

       The flowering of Philippine literature in the various languages continue especially with the appearance of new publications after the Martial Law years and the resurgence of committed literature in the 1960s and the 1970s.

       Filipino writers continue to write poetry, short stories, novellas, novels and essays whether these are socially committed, gender/ethnic related or are personal in intention or not.

       Of course the Filipino writer has become more conscious of his art with the proliferation of writers workshops here and abroad and the bulk of literature available to him via the mass media including the internet. The various literary awards such as the Don Carlos Palanca Memorial Awards for Literature, the Philippines Free Press, Philippine Graphic, Home Life and Panorama literary awards encourage him to compete with his peers and hope that his creative efforts will be rewarded in the long run.

       With the new requirement by the Commission on Higher Education of teaching of Philippine Literature in all tertiary schools in the country emphasizing the teaching of the vernacular literature or literatures of the regions, the audience for Filipino writers is virtually assured. And, perhaps, a national literature finding its niche among the literatures of the world will not be far behind.

 

 

Baybayin – The Ancient Script of the Philippines

by Paul Morrow

This language of ours is like any other,
it once had an alphabet and its own letters
that vanished as though a tempest had set upon
a boat on a lake in a time now long gone.

“To My Fellow Children”,
attributed to Jose Rizal, 1869
English translation by P. Morrow

The tempest in Rizal’s verse struck the Philippines in the 16th century. It was the Spanish Empire and the lost alphabet was a script that is known today as the baybayin.

Contrary to the common misconception, when the Spaniards arrived in the islands they found more than just a loose collection of backward and belligerent tribes. They found a civilization that was very different from their own. The ability to read and write is the mark of any civilization and, according to many early Spanish accounts, the Tagalogs had already been writing with the baybayin for at least a century. This script was just beginning to spread throughout the islands at that time. Furthermore, the discovery in 1987 of an inscription on a sheet of copper in Laguna is evidence that there was an even more advanced script in limited use in the Philippines as far back as the year 900 C.E. (See The Laguna Copperplate Inscription)

Literacy of the Pre-Hispanic Filipinos

Although one of Ferdinand Magellan’s shipmates, Antonio Pigafetta, wrote that the people of the Visayas were not literate in 1521, the baybayin had already arrived there by 1567 when Miguel López de Legazpi reported that, “They [the Visayans] have their letters and characters like those of the Malays, from whom they learned them.” B1 Then, a century later Francisco Alcina wrote about:

The characters of these natives, or, better said, those that have been in use for a few years in these parts, an art which was communicated to them from the Tagalogs, and the latter learned it from the Borneans who came from the great island of Borneo to Manila, with whom they have considerable traffic…
From these Borneans the Tagalogs learned their characters, and from them the Visayans, so they call them Moro characters or letters because the Moros taught them… [the Visayans] learned [the Moros’] letters, which many use today, and the women much more than the men, which they write and read more readily than the latter.
B2

The baybayin continued to thrive in many parts of the Philippines in the first century of Spanish occupation. Even before the end of the 1500’s the Spaniards were already printing books in the Tagalog script (see Literature), which indicates at least an adequate level of literacy. Some accounts went so as far as to say that the literacy rate was practically 100%. A Jesuit priest, Father Pedro Chirino wrote in 1604 that:

So accustomed are all these islanders to writing and reading that there is scarcely a man, and much less a woman, who cannot read and write in the letters proper to the island of Manila. B3

And Dr. Antonio de Morga, a Spanish magistrate in the Philippines echoed Chirino’s enthusiasm in 1609:

Throughout the islands the natives write very well using [their letters]… All the natives, women as well as men, write in this language, and there are very few who do not write well and correctly. B4

These often quoted observations were exaggerations, of course; the historian William H. Scott managed to turn up several examples from the 1590s of datus who could not sign affidavits or oaths, and witnesses who could not sign land deeds in the 1620s. B5 Nevertheless, it appears that wherever the baybayin was available, literacy was common not only among the elite but at all levels of society.

Pre-Hispanic Writing Techniques

The pre-Hispanic Filipinos wrote on many different materials; leaves, palm fronds, tree bark and fruit rinds, but the most common material was bamboo. The writing tools or panulat were the points of daggers or small pieces of iron. Among the manuscripts in Charles R. Boxer’s collection, known as the Boxer Codex, there is an anonymous report from 1590 that described their method of writing, which is still used today by the tribes of Mindoro and Palawan to write their own script:

When they write, it is on some tablets made of the bamboos which they have in those islands, on the bark. In using such a tablet, which is four fingers wide, they do not write with ink, but with some scribers with which they cut the surface and bark of the bamboo, and make the letters. B6

Once the letters were carved into the bamboo, it was wiped with ash to make the characters stand out more. Sharpened splits of bamboo were used with coloured plant saps to write on more delicate materials such as leaves. But since the ancient Filipinos did not keep long-term written records, more durable materials, such as stone, clay or metal, were not used. After the Spaniards arrived Filipinos adopted the use of paper, pen and ink.

Origin of the Baybayin

The word baybayin is a very old Tagalog term that refers to all the letters used in writing a language, that is to say, an “alphabet.” It is from the root baybáy meaning, “spell.” Early Spanish accounts usually called the baybayin “Tagalog letters” or “Tagalog writing.” And, as mentioned earlier, the Visayans called it “Moro writing” because it was imported from Manila, which was one of the ports where many products from Muslim traders entered what are now known as the Philippine islands. The Bikolanos called the script basahan and the letters, guhit.

Another common name for the baybayin is alibata, which is a word that was invented just in the 20th century by a member of the old National Language Institute, Paul Versoza. As he explained in Pangbansang Titik nang Pilipinas in 1939,

“In 1921 I returned from the United States to give public lectures on Tagalog philology, calligraphy, and linguistics. I introduced the word alibata, which found its way into newsprints and often mentioned by many authors in their writings. I coined this word in 1914 in the New York Public Library, Manuscript Research Division, basing it on the Maguindanao (Moro) arrangement of letters of the alphabet after the Arabic: alif, ba, ta (alibata), “f” having been eliminated for euphony’s sake.” B7

Versoza’s reasoning for creating this word was unfounded because no evidence of the baybayin was ever found in that part of the Philippines and it has absolutely no relationship to the Arabic language. Furthermore, no ancient script native to Southeast Asia followed the Arabic arrangement of letters, and regardless of Versoza’s connection to the word alibata, its absence from all historical records indicates that it is a totally modern creation. The present author does not use this word in reference to any ancient Philippine script.

Many of the writing systems of Southeast Asia descended from ancient scripts used in India over 2000 years ago. Although the baybayin shares some important features with these scripts, such as all the consonants being pronounced with the vowel a and the use of special marks to change this sound, there is no evidence that it is so old.

The shapes of the baybayin characters bear a slight resemblance to the ancient Kavi script of Java, Indonesia, which fell into disuse in the 1400s. However, as mentioned earlier in the Spanish accounts, the advent of the baybayin in the Philippines was considered a fairly recent event in the 16th century and the Filipinos at that time believed that their baybayin came from Borneo.

This theory is supported by the fact that the baybayin script could not show syllable final consonants, which are very common in most Philippine languages. (See Final Consonants) This indicates that the script was recently acquired and had not yet been modified to suit the needs of its new users. Also, this same shortcoming in the baybayin was a normal trait of the script and language of the Bugis people of Sulawesi, which is directly south of the Philippines and directly east of Borneo. Thus most scholars believe that the baybayin may have descended from the Buginese script or, more likely, a related lost script from the island of Sulawesi. Whatever route the baybayin travelled, it probably arrived in Luzon in the 13th or 14th century.

Literature of the Ancient Filipinos

All early Spanish reports agreed that pre-Hispanic Filipino literature was mainly oral rather than written. Legazpi’s account of 1567, quoted earlier, went on to say:

They have their letters and characters… but never is any ancient writing found among them nor word of their origin and arrival in these islands; their customs and rites being preserved by traditions handed down from father to son without any other record. B8

The Boxer Codex manuscript from 1590, also mentioned earlier, reported that:

They have neither books nor histories nor do they write anything of length but only letters and reminders to one another… [And lovers] carry written charms with them. B9

Aside from writing letters and poetry to each other, the ancient Filipinos adorned the entrances of their homes with incantations written on bamboo so as to keep out evil spirits.

In the Spanish era Filipinos started to write on paper. They kept records of their property and their financial transactions, and Fr. Marcelo de Ribadeneira said in 1601 that the early Filipino Christians made little notebooks in which they wrote, “in their characters or letters” the lessons they were taught in church. B10 They often signed Spanish documents with baybayin letters and many of these signatures still exist in archives in the Philippines, Mexico and Spain. There are even two land deeds written in baybayin script at the University of Santo Tomas. (See: Baybayin Handwriting)

To take advantage of the native’s literacy, religious authorities published several books containing baybayin text. The first of these was the Doctrina Christiana, en lengua española y tagala printed in 1593. The Tagalog text was based mainly on a manuscript written by Fr. Juan de Placencia. Friars Domingo de Nieva and Juan de San Pedro Martyr supervised the preparation and printing of the book, which was carried out by a Chinese artisan whose name was not recorded for posterity.

For modern scholars the Doctrina is like the Rosetta Stone of baybayin writing and 16th century Tagalog. Each section of the book is presented in three parts: first, the Spanish text then, the Tagalog translation written in the Spanish alphabet, and finally the Tagalog written in the baybayin script. The Doctrina is the earliest example of the baybayin that exists today and it is the only example from the 1500s. The book also provides a view of how Tagalog was spoken before Spanish had a chance to make its full impact on the language. (A facsimile of the Doctrina can be purchased at a very low price at Reflections of Asia.)

The Doctrina of 1593 was printed using the woodblock method. That is, an entire page was carved into a single block of wood. Ink was then applied to the block and a thin sheet of paper was gently brushed onto it to pick up the engraved image. This method did not ensure regularity in the shapes of the baybayin characters. However, when printing with moveable types came to the Philippines in the beginning of the 1600s, baybayin letters began to take on more consistent, though stylized shapes because each character was carved into its own moveable block. Fr. Francisco Lopez used a set of these types in 1620 to produce his Ilokano Doctrina based on the catechism written by Cardinal Belarmine, best know today as the first inquisitor of Galileo. The typeface he chose was used in at least two earlier Tagalog books and today it is one of the most popular baybayin styles among enthusiasts of the ancient script. (See Baybayin Styles) It was in this book that Lopez attempted to reform the baybayin, which, in the view of most Spaniards, was seriously flawed. (See Final Consonants)

Nevertheless, the Spanish friars used the baybayin script not only to teach their religion to the Filipinos, but also to teach other clerics how to speak the local languages. The writers of the early grammars encouraged their readers to learn the baybayin, as Fr. Francisco Blancas de San Jose explained in his Arte y reglas de la lengua tagala of 1610:

Sometimes adjoining the Tagalog word written in Spanish letters I place the Tagalog characters with which the same word is also written, in order that through them whoever can read them can come to know the proper pronunciation of that word… For which reason those who wish to speak well should learn to read Tagalog characters… B11

The baybayin was also described in Visayan grammar books of the 1600s such as Alonso de Méntrida’s Arte de la lengua Bisaya-Hiligayna de la isla de Panay, 1637, and Domingo Ezguerra’s Arte de la lengua Bisaya en la provincia de Leyte, 1663. However, Ezguerra’s example of the script contained printing mistakes. A kind of Spanish check mark was put in the place of two different letters. Méntrida wrote the following about his typeface:

It is to be noted that our Bisayans have some letters with different shapes, which I place here; but even they themselves do not agree on the shapes of their letters; for this reason, and because of the limited types available, I have shown the characters according to the Tagalogs. B12

The Baybayin Method of Writing

The baybayin was a syllabic writing system, which means that each letter represented a syllable instead of just a basic sound as in the modern alphabet. There were a total of 17 characters: three vowels and 14 consonants, but when combined with the small vowel-modifying marks, called kudlíts, the number of characters increased to 45. This way of writing is called an abugida. When a person spelled a word orally or recited the baybayin, the individual letters were called babâ, kakâ, dadâ, etc., but the original sequence of the letters was different to what it is today. This “alphabetical” order was recorded in the Tagalog Doctrina Christiana.

“The abc. in the Tagalog language”
A  U/O  I/E  HA PA KA SA LA TA NA BA MA GA  DA/RA  YA
NGA WA

Click on image for more information.

The Consonants & Kudlíts

In their simplest form, each consonant represented a syllable that was pronounced with an a vowel (like the u in “up”). Simply adding a tick, dot or other mark to the letter, would change the inherent a vowel sound. These marks were called kudlíts, or diacritics in English. A kudlit was placed above a consonant letter to give it an i or e vowel sound. When it was placed below the letter it changed the vowel sound to u or o.

Visit the Baybayin Tutorial to learn more about writing the baybayin script.

The Vowels

The three vowel characters were only used at the beginning of words and syllables, or syllables without any consonant. There were only three vowels because the ancient Tagalogs, and many other linguistic groups, did not distinguish between the pronunciations of i and e, or u and o until Spanish words entered their languages. Even today these sounds are interchangeable in words such as lalaki/lalake (man), babae (woman) and kababaihan (womanhood or womankind), uód/oód (worm), punò (tree trunk) and punung-kahoy (tree), and oyaye/oyayi/uyayi (lullaby).

The vowel characters actually represented vowels that were preceded by a glottal stop. This pronunciation was more common in the pre-Hispanic era but has changed over the centuries due to the influences of western languages. This shift can be seen when early texts, such as the Doctrina Christiana, are compared to modern Filipino. For example, we syllabicate the words ngayón (today) and gagawín (will do) as follows: nga-yon and ga-ga-wín respectively. But the baybayin text of the Doctrina reveals a different syllabic division. Ngayón was written, ngay-on, and gagawin was written ga-gaw-in.

The R Sound

The Tagalogs used only one character for da and ra, . The pronunciation of this letter depended on its location within a word. The grammatical rule has survived in modern Filipino that when a d is between two vowels, it becomes an r as in the words dangál (honour) and marangál (honourable), or dunong (knowledge) and marunong (knowledgeable).

However, this rule could not be relied upon in other languages, so when other linguistic groups adopted the baybayin, different ways of representing the r sound were required. The Visayans apparently used the d/ra character for their own words but used the la character for Spanish words. (See Visayan examples.) Fr. Lopez’s choice of d/ra or la seemed to be random in the Ilokano Doctrina, which caused many corruptions of Ilokano words. (See excerpts from his Doctrina.) However, a chart drawn by Sinibaldo de Mas in 1843 showed la doubling for the Ilokano ra while his Pangasinan list showed no substitute for ra at all. The Bikolanos modified the d/ra character to make a distinct letter for ra. (See the chart in Baybayin Styles.)

The Nga Character 

A single character represented the nga syllable. The latest version of the modern Filipino alphabet still retains the ng as a single letter but it is written with two characters. The ng is the alphabet’s only remaining link to its baybayin heritage.

Punctuation

Words written in the baybayin script were not spaced apart; the letters were written in a continuous flow and the only form of punctuation was a single vertical line, or more often, a pair of vertical lines. || This fulfilled the function of a comma and a period, and indeed, of practically any punctuation mark in use today. Although these bars were used consistently to end sentences, they were also used to separate words, but in an unpredictable manner. Occasionally a single word would be enclosed between these marks but usually sentences were divided into groups of three to five words.

Final Consonants

The most confusing feature of the baybayin for non-native readers was that there was no way to write a consonant without having a vowel follow it. If a syllable or a word ended with a consonant, that consonant was simply dropped. For example, the letters n and k in a word like bundók (mountain) were omitted, so that it was spelled bu-do.

The Spanish priests found this problem to be an impediment to the accurate translation of their religious texts. So, when they printed a lesson in baybayin it was usually accompanied by a Spanish translation and the same Tagalog text using the Spanish alphabet, as in the Doctrina Christiana. Other priests simply stopped using the baybayin in favour of the alphabet. The first attempt to “reform” the baybayin came in 1620 when Fr. Francisco Lopez prepared to publish the Ilokano Doctrina. He invented a new kudlít in the shape of a cross. This was placed below a baybayin consonant in order to cancel the inherent a sound. Lopez wrote:

The reason for putting the text of the Doctrina in Tagalog type… has been to begin the correction of the said Tagalog script, which, as it is, is so defective and confused (because of not having any method until now for expressing final consonants – I mean, those without vowels) that the most learned reader has to stop and ponder over many words to decide on the pronunciation which the writer intended. B13

Although Lopez’s new way of writing provided a more accurate depiction of the spoken language, native Filipino writers found it cumbersome and they never accepted it. In 1776, Pedro Andrés de Castro wrote about their reaction to the invention:

They, after much praising of it and giving thanks for it, decided it could not be incorporated into their writing because it was contrary to the intrinsic character and nature which God had given it and that it would destroy the syntax, prosody and spelling of the Tagalog language all at one blow… B14

Direction of Baybayin Writing

The baybayin was read from left to right in rows that progressed from top to bottom, just as we read in English today. However, this has been a point of controversy among scholars for centuries due to conflicting accounts from early writers who were confused by the ease with which ancient Filipinos could read their writing from almost any angle. As the historian William H. Scott commented,

The willingness of Filipinos to read their writing with the page held in any direction caused understandable confusion among European observers who lacked this ability – and causes some irritation to Tagalog teachers in Mangyan schools today. B15 [Note: The peoples collectively known as Mangyans still use their own form of the baybayin in Mindoro.]

Some observers were mistaken to believe that the baybayin should be read vertically from bottom to top in columns progressing from left to right because that was how the ancient Filipinos carved their letters into narrow bamboo strips. However, it was simply a matter of safety that when they used a sharp instrument to carve, they held the bamboo pointing outward and they carved away from their bodies, just as modern Mangyans do today. (See photo above.) This gave the appearance that they were writing from the bottom upward. However, this did not necessarily mean that the text was supposed to be read that way too.

Although the ancient Filipinos did not seem to mind which way they read their writing, the clue to the proper orientation of the text was the kudlíts, or diacritic marks that alter the vowel sound of the letters. In syllabic scripts such as Kavi, Bugis and others closely related to the baybayin, the text was read from left to right and the diacritics were placed above and below the characters (i/e was above and u/o was below). When the ancient Filipinos carved the baybayin into the bamboo strips, they placed the kudlíts to the left of the letter for the i/e vowel and to the right for the u/o vowels. Thus, when the finished inscription was turned clockwise to the horizontal position, the text flowed from left to right and the kudlíts were in their proper places, i/e above and u/o below.

 

Variants of the Baybayin

Some writers have claimed that there were several different ancient alphabets in the Philippines, which belonged to different languages and dialects in Luzon and the Visayas. The number of scripts mentioned usually ranges from 10 to 12. However, none of the early Spanish authors ever suggested that there was more than one baybayin script. In fact, even when they wrote about other Philippine languages, they usually referred to the baybayin as “Tagalog” writing or as quoted earlier, Pedro Chirino called it “the letters proper to the island of Manila.”

The baybayin was a single script, and just like the alphabet today, its appearance varied widely according to each person’s unique handwriting. (See: The Baybayin as Written by Filipinos) When the printing press was introduced to the Philippines, this variety was reflected in the typefaces. The misconception that each province had its own alphabet arose in the 19th century, long after the baybayin had fallen out of use. Authors who wrote about Philippine culture, such as Eugène Jacquet (1831) and Sinibaldo de Mas (1843), collected old samples of baybayin writing and classified them according to where they were found or the language of the text. (See: Baybayin Styles.) They were aware that these samples were variations of one script but, later writers such as Pardo de Tavera and Pedro Paterno around the turn of the century, assembled their own comparison charts from these samples and other sources and labelled them as distinct “alphabets” from various regions. (See: Paterno’s Cuadro Paleografico) These charts were later reproduced in schoolbooks of the 20th century with very little in the way of explanation for their content. Thus, through generations of copying and recopying, these individual samples, many of which were merely one person’s particular handwriting style, came to be known as distinct alphabets that belonged to entire regions or linguistic groups.

The clearest example of this kind of misinterpretation is the baybayin typeface that Francisco Lopez chose in 1620 for his Ilokano Doctrina and for his Arte de la lengua yloca of 1627. It first appeared in two Tagalog books, Arte y reglas de la lengua Tagala (1610) by Francisco Blancas de San Jose and Vocabulario de lengua Tagala (1613) by Pedro de San Buenaventura. (See the chart on the right.) However, Eugène Jacquet called this style the Ilokano alphabet in his Notice sur l’alphabet Yloc ou Ilog (1831) because it was used most notably in two Ilokano books. B16 But, as quoted earlier, even Lopez said that he put “the text of the [Ilokano] Doctrina in Tagalog type.” Still, the Lopez typeface is often mistakenly called the pre-Hispanic Ilokano alphabet.

See Baybayin Styles for more about the different forms of the Baybayin.


Baybayin Lost

Although the baybayin had spread so swiftly throughout the Philippines in the 1500s, it began to decline in the 1600s despite the Spanish clergy’s attempts to use it for evangelization. Filipinos continued to sign their names with baybayin letters throughout the 17th, and even into the 18th century, though most of the documents were written in Spanish. Gaspar de San Agustín still found the baybayin useful in 1703. In his Compendio de la lengua Tagala he wrote, “It helps to know the Tagalog characters in distinguishing accents.” B17 And he mentioned that the baybayin was still being used to write poetry in Batangas at that time. But in 1745 Sebastián Totanes claimed in his Arte de la lengua Tagala that,

Rare is the indio who still knows how to read [the baybayin letters], much less write them. All of them read and write our Castilian letters now. B18

However, Totanes held a rather low opinion of Philippine culture and other writers of the period gave a more balanced view. Thomas Ortiz felt it was still necessary to describe the Tagalog characters in his Arte y Reglas de la lengua Tagala of 1729 and as late as 1792 a pact between Christians and Mangyans on the island of Mindoro was signed with baybayin letters, which is not surprising because the Mangyans never stopped using their script.

Many people today, both ordinary Filipinos and some historians not acquainted with the Philippines, are surprised when they learn that the ancient Filipinos actually had a writing system of their own. The complete absence of truly pre-Hispanic specimens of the baybayin script is puzzling and it has lead to a common misconception that fanatical Spanish priests must have burned or otherwise destroyed massive amounts of native documents as they did so ruthlessly in Central America. Even the prominent Dr. H. Otley Beyer wrote in The Philippines before Magellan (1921) that, “one Spanish priest in Southern Luzon boasted of having destroyed more than three hundred scrolls written in the native character.” B19 Historians have searched for the source of Beyer’s claim, but until now none have even learned the name of that zealous priest. Furthermore, there has never been a recorded instance of ancient Filipinos writing on scrolls. The fact that they wrote on such perishable materials as leaves and bamboo is probably the reason why no pre-Hispanic documents have survived.

Although many Spaniards didn’t hide their disdain for Filipino culture, the only documents they burned were probably the occasional curse or incantation that offended their beliefs. There simply were no “dangerous” documents to burn because the pre-Hispanic Filipinos did not write at length about such things as their own beliefs, mythology, or history. These were the subjects of their oral record, which, indeed, the Spanish priests tried to eradicate through relentless indoctrination. But, in regard to writing, it can be argued that the Spanish friars actually helped to preserve the baybayin by continuing to use it and write about it even after it fell out of use among most Filipinos.

It is more likely that mere practicality was the main reason that the baybayin went out of style. Although it was adequate for the relatively light requirements of pre-Hispanic writing, it could not bear the burdens of the new sounds from the Spanish language and that culture’s demand for an accurate written representation of the spoken word. The baybayin could not distinguish between the vowels i and e, or u and o, or the consonants d and r. It lacked other consonants too, but more important, it had no way to cancel the vowel sound that was inherent in each consonant. Thus consonants could not be combined and syllable final consonants could not be written at all. Without these elements the meanings of many Spanish words were confused or lost completely.

Social expediency was another reason for Filipinos to abandon the baybayin in favour of the alphabet. They found the alphabet easy to learn and it was a skill that helped them to get ahead in life under the Spanish regime, working in relatively prestigious jobs as clerks, scribes and secretaries. With his usual touch of exaggeration, Fr. Pedro Chirino made an observation in 1604 that shows how easily Filipinos took to the new alphabet.

They have learned our language and pronunciation and write it as well as we do, and even better, because they are so clever that they learn everything very quickly… In Tigbauan [Panay] I had a small boy in school who in three months, by copying letters that I received in good script, learned to write much better than I, and translated important papers for me most accurately, without errors or falsehoods. B20

But if reasons of practicality were behind the demise of the baybayin, why did it not survive as more than a curiosity? Why was it not retained for at least ceremonial purposes such as inscriptions on buildings and monuments, or practiced as a traditional art like calligraphy in other Asian countries? The sad fact is that most forms of indigenous art in the Philippines were abandoned wherever the Spanish influence was strong and only exist today in the regions that were out of reach of the Spanish empire. Hector Santos, a researcher living in California, suggested that obligations to the Spanish conquerors prevented Filipinos from maintaining their traditions:

Tributes were imposed on the native population. Having to produce more than they used to, they had less time to pass on traditional skills to their children, resulting in a tightening spiral of illiteracy in their ancient script. B21

Baybayin Found

In some parts of the Philippines the baybayin was never lost but developed into distinct styles. The Tagbanuwa people of Palawan still remember their script today but they rarely use it. The Buhid and especially the Hanunóo people of Mindoro still use their scripts as the ancient Filipinos did 500 years ago, for communication and poetry. Dr. Harold Conklin described Hanunóo literature in 1949:

Hanunóo inscriptions are never of magical import, nor are they on mythological or historical topics. Written messages (love letters, requests etc.,) are occasionally sent by means of inscribed bamboos, but by far the most common use of this script is for recording ambáhan [Hanunóo] and urúkai [Buhid] chants. Both of these types consist largely of metaphorical love songs. B22

Dr. Fletcher Gardner described their postal system in 1943:

A bamboo letter is fastened in a cleft stick and placed by the trailside. The first passer-by, who is going in the direction of the addressee, carries it as far as his plans allow and leaves it again by the trail, to be carried on by some other person. Perhaps half a dozen volunteers may assist in conveying the letter to its designation. B23

Today there are small under-funded movements working to preserve these living scripts, such as the Mangyan Assistance & Research Center in Panaytayan, Mansalay, Mindoro, directed by Antoon Postma and the Palawan State University Tagbanwa Script Project, aided by Dr. Jesus Peralta jr. at the Philippine National Museum. In 1994, Hector Santos created several Hanunóo, Buhid, and Tagbanuwa computer fonts for publishing and education as well as fonts for the ancient baybayin.
(See A Philippine Leaf for more about these living scripts and Hector’s fonts.)

The information revolution has allowed Filipinos to learn more about the pre-Hispanic era on the Internet than was ever taught in Philippine schools. As a result many Filipinos are taking a new interest in their own heritage and it is usually the baybayin that catches their attention first. Through the use of computer fonts, the baybayin is now being used in graphic designs for web sites, multimedia art, jewellery, compact discs, T-shirts, and logos. (See Baybayin Links) And for some Pinoys, it seems that the path has come full circle. Whereas long ago the Visayan pintados were tattooed according to their status in the community, today a growing number of young Filipinos are getting tattooed with baybayin characters to show their pride in their heritage.

Bagbaguin Multi-purpose Cooperative

February 26, 2008

 Angela S. Aguirre      BC 1-1

02-24-08

          Ang Bagbaguin Multi-purpose Cooperatives ay isang hanay o grupo ng mamamayan sa bahagi ng lungsod ng Valenzuela na kung saan ay may malusog na pangangatawan, kaisipan, kaluluwa at makalipunan na naghahangad ng lumikha ng marangal at mataas na uri ng mamamayan ng magsawa ng malakas maunlad at matatag na kabuhayan at lipunan. Ang mga kasapi nito, patnugutan at namamahala ng BMPC ay naghahangad na magturuan at ikintal sa mga isipan ang halaga o “value” ng pagtitipid a ispiritu  ng “kooperatibismo” at magtulong-tulong sa pag-aangat at pagpapaunlad ng katayuang panglipunan-kabuhayan sa pamamagitan ng sipag at pagtitiyaga .Sa pagbubuo ng mga kasapi ng kooperatiba, ito ay boluntaryo at bukas sa lahat. Ang mga naghahangad na sumapi rito ay kailangang nasa edad 18 hanggang 60 taong gulang para matawag na regular na miyembro ng koop. Mahalaga na mayroong kainamang pinagkakakitaan. Isa lamang sa mag-asawa ang maaaring sumali sa koop, sapagkat isa lamang ang kinukuhanan ng pinagkakakitaan ng pamilya nito. Ginaganap ang BMPC pre-membership education seminar tuwing unang linggo ng buwan. Sa gayon ay magkakaroon ng kaalaman ang mga gustong sumapi sa mga panganib at kapakinabangang matatamo nila sa koop. Ang kanilang kahilingan sa pagsapi at pananagutang kasunduan ay kailangang tuparin. Tulad ng pagsalo at taspusin ang itinakdang pre-membership education course, pagbabayad  ng kasapiang butaw, paglahok sa palatuntunang pag-iimpok, tumupad sa mga pinag-uutos ng mga kinauukulan n lupon ng patnugutan ukol sa pamamahala ng kooperatiba at dumalo sa lahat ng pagpupulong, panayam at pag-aaral na itinakda ng patnagutan. Ang hindi pagtupad rito ng walang sapat  na dahilan ay nangangahulugan ng pagmumulta, pagsuspindi o matiwalag sa kooperatiba, sang-ayon sa pasya  ng patnugutan. May karapatan ang mga miyembro ng koop na bumoto kung siya ay may isang taon ng regular na miyembro at may magandang emahe sa koop. Maaari namang tumakbo ang isang kasapi kung siya ay may dalawang taon ng regular na miyembro at may magandang reputasyon. Maaari lamang siyang kumandidayo  magmula muna sa mababang posisyon tulad ng lupon paakyat bilang isang miyembro ng board.  Nasa kanila rin ang karapatan suriin ang mga talang ari-arian at kung ano na ang kalagayan ng  koop. Pribilehiyo ng mga miyembro nito na humiram ng salapi para gamitin, halimbawa ay emergency loan, appliance loan at special business loan na may karampatang dahilan. Responsibilidad  ng bawat  miyembro  na magbayad ng kanilang pagkakautang sa itinakdang panahon, pagdalo sa mga pagpupulong, panayam at pag-aaral na itinakda ng patnagutan.  Makiisa sa mga programang  kanilang inilulungsad at sagutan ang bahagi ng saping puhunan na nagkakahalaga  ng 350.00. Ang malayang pamamahala ng miyembro ay maipakikita sa polisiyang “one member one vote”. Sa kabvuhayang pakikilahok ng mga miyembro, kinakailangan nilang maghulog para sa kanilang puhunang bahagi  na nagkakahalaga ng 100.00, depende pa rin ito sa kakayahan ng kasapi at may pahintulot ng koop. Tinuturuan din rito kung paano ang tamang paraan  ng pag-iimpok ng salapi. Ang pagsasarili at kasarinlan. Edukasyon, pagsasanay at kabatiran, v nagbibiogay sila ng kaalaman swa mga taong gustong dumalo sa isang seminar. Sa mga pagpupulong na magaganap, inaalam kung sino ang dadalong lupon sa pagitan ng credit committee at board. Inaasahang lahat ng kasapi ay dadalo sa mga pagsasanay sa kooperatiba. Pagkatapos ng isang seminar, nagbibigay ang mga miyembro nito ng “certificate of attendance” sa lahat ng dumalo. Pagtutulungan sa  pagitan ng mga kooperatiba, miyembro ang mga kasapi ng BMPC ng VAFEMCO (Valenzuela Federation of Multi-purpose Cooperative), ito ay asosasyon ng mga kooperatiba sa buong Valenzuela. Dumadalo sila sa kongreso depende sa paksang tatalakayin roon ang taong kanilang ipadadala para makilahok.  Nagsasagawa sila ngayon ng isang  “Alay Lakad” para sa kanilang Scholarship Program na inilunsad sa PLV(Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Valenzuela). Ang kanilang mga polisiya ay nakabatay sa by-laws, kung mayroon mang silang gustong baguhin kailangan muna ng pagpapasiya ng general assembly.

          Sa pagpunta sa mga koop  mahirap ang magkaroon  ng eksaktong petsa ng pakikipanayam sa lehitimong tagapagsalita at miyembro nito. Kailangan pang dumaan ang pahintulot sa amin sa general assembly bago kami paunlakan. Maganda ang pakikitungo sa amin ng bawat kooperatibang aming napuntahan. Bandang huli  nagkaroon  na kami ng petse ng interbyu sa BMPC.  Nakausap namin sina Mrs. Dolores M. Quilas ang kanilang tresurer at ang credit chairman na si Mrs. Teresita Ocampo. Naging magiliw sila sa amin at naaging bukas sa lahat ng impormasyong nais naming malaman. Makikita na masaya sila sa ginagawa nila at sa nararating ng kanilang koopperatiba. Nakita ko ring na magkasundo ang bawat kasapi nito at nagtutulungan. ang masaya pa nito ay inanyayahan nila kami na dumalo sa gaganaping general assembly meeting upang makinig at maragdagan pa ang aming kaalaman. Inanyayahan din nila kami na kung sakaling  magkaroon na kami ng OJT ay pumunta lang kami roon at handa nila kaming tulyungan. Tumatak sa akin ang pagiging komportable at masaya sa isan trabaho. Kung saan lahat ay nagtutulungan at nasasanay ang pagiging pinuno sa bawat isa. Masaya pala ang buhay sa isang  kooperatiba.

Old Sta. Mesa Multi-purpose cooperative

February 13, 2008

Interview conducted by: Angela S. Aguirre                                        

 01-30-08

BC 1-1 

OLD STA. MESA MULTIPURPOSE COOPERATIVE 

Question: How can non-members apply for membership in your Co-op?                     

 -In case they’ve been a member, what are their rights as a member?                    

 – Having the rights correspond responsibilities, what are the responsibilities  assign being a member of the coop?   

  Answered by Mr. Irene: “Anybody wishing to apply as member shall be accepted if he/she has attended the members orientation and paid the initial subscription, (associate) regular membership is by invitation.” 

Reflection:In applying as a member of a cooperative, the person must attend the orientation regarding how a cooperative function and its different areas.  For that, the person who is interested to join a coop must know their obligation and responsibilities as a member of a coop. They must pass all the requirements needed, if not, they will be address as a associate member. The only difference between a regular and associate member is that, an associate member have no right to vote and be vote upon. An associate member must pay the initial subscription, while  the regular member is by invitation.  

Question: How do you conduct an election in this coop? How do you keep the unity inside this coop, despite of being democratically   controlled by member? 

Answered by Mr. Irene: “After the general assembly elected were conducted on secret balloting by the election committee, anything that the members have disagreed on shall be settled through majority rule.” 

Reflection:After the election of general assembly, together with the election committee, they do a secret balloting. For any disagreement, majority rule is use. 

Question: How do your members participate economically?                

 Where did this coop get their resources? Do you acquire from outside  resources such as donations, etc.? When we talk of share capital, how do you manage the capital of this Co-op? 

 Answered by Mr. Irene: “Members contribute to the capital and deposit to the coop members also avail of the loan and other services such as Western Union. The coop also accepts donation from NGO and other coops.”

 Reflection: Members give a share capital to deposit in the benefits of having loans and other services. Coop get outside resources such as donations, and from other cooperative. 

Question: How do you manage your relationship with other organization?

 Answered by Mr. Irene: “The coop is affiliated with federations like NATCCO and FPSDC. The coop acquire/get funds from this coop like loan.” 

 Reflection:Cooperatives among cooperative, they do not allow competition. Instead they help for progress of each cooperatives. One example of it is acquiring loans in other coops.       

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February 9, 2008

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